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Title: The Few, the Proud: Gender and the Marine Corps Body.
Creator: Patterson, Sarah Elizabeth, Sinke, Suzanne M., Moore, Dennis, Piehler, G. Kurt, Upchurch, Charles, Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show morePatterson, Sarah Elizabeth, Sinke, Suzanne M., Moore, Dennis, Piehler, G. Kurt, Upchurch, Charles, Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This project examines the changing shape of femininity and masculinity for Marines from World War I to the Korean War, focusing on the ways that the body serves as a canvas for demonstrating the negotiation of gender roles and the Marine Corps image. Gender has been a constant issue for the military. However, few historical studies consider the ways that the Marine Corps’ status as a particularly elite, masculine institution impacted the desired image of femininity for its female recruits and...
Show moreThis project examines the changing shape of femininity and masculinity for Marines from World War I to the Korean War, focusing on the ways that the body serves as a canvas for demonstrating the negotiation of gender roles and the Marine Corps image. Gender has been a constant issue for the military. However, few historical studies consider the ways that the Marine Corps’ status as a particularly elite, masculine institution impacted the desired image of femininity for its female recruits and how this image changed over time. The hyper-masculine nature of the military influenced the relationship between masculinity and femininity for both servicemen and women. My project looks at these changes in masculinity and femininity by placing gender identity within the context of the hyper-masculine military environment. R.W. Connell’s Masculinities, Anthony Rotundo’s American Manhood, and Aaron Belkin’s Bring Me Men assist in putting gender identity in the military into a more complex and nuanced context, especially focusing on masculinity’s centrality to the American military institution. Belkin, in particular, argues that military masculinity has never been entirely devoid of feminine elements. Aspects of femininity have long been a part of military life, from domestic responsibilities often associated with women to close same sex companionship between soldiers. While generally considered less masculine when taken as separate behaviors, they did not seem problematic in a military context. This leads to the conclusion that the incorporation of women into the military was not a radical introduction of femininity into a solely masculine environment, but rather a more complicated shift in the relationship between gender and occupation. This project’s conclusions support this kind of closer relationship between masculinity and femininity in the military context. Francine D’Amico and Laurie Weinstein’s Gender Camouflage, Melissa Ming Foynes, Jillian C. Shipherd, and Ellen F. Harrington’s “Race and Gender Discrimination in the Marines,” Melissa S. Herbert’s Camouflage Isn’t Only for Combat, Heather J. Höpfl’s “Becoming a (Virile) Member: Women and the Military Body,” Leisa D. Meyer’s Creating GI Jane, and Sara L. Zeigler and Gregory G. Gunderson’s Moving Beyond GI Jane address this shift in gender relations and the resulting tension between military men and women throughout the twentieth and twenty-first centuries I investigate changes in military gender identity by looking at legislation and regulations controlling gender and sexuality in the military, media depictions of Marines, and the ways that gendered military identity plays out on the body, especially through physical fitness, uniforms, and bodily maintenance. The Marine Corps documented their ideas of normative masculine and feminine Marine bodies through pictures, propaganda, and newsletters. Examination of these different characteristics of the ideal body allow for comparison through time of the ways that Marines presented themselves to society, as well as the methods the Corps utilized to encourage images advantageous to its purposes. Such comparisons show changes in the perception of gender identity through time, as well as new norms of appearance and behavior that developed. This evidence illustrates the complicated and often contradictory relationship between masculinity and femininity that all Marines, male and female, negotiate. This project illustrates the significance of these frequently gendered representations of Marine bodies through time. They show the negotiation of gender within the Corps and how assumptions of gender roles shifted from one war to the next. Understanding these changes helps explain the tensions and conflicts which developed between male and female Marines during different periods, as well as creating a framework for investigating these tensions into the contemporary era. The primary sources used for this project focus on the appearance of Marines, male and female, and include national legislation related to Marines and military regulations enforcing conformity in dress and appearance. Memoirs of Marines, publications intended for Marine readers, as well as publications depicting Marines aid in gaining a better idea of the function of gender for Marines, especially in relation to their interactions between male and female Marines. These documents show the changes occurring in expectations about femininity and masculinity in the Marine Corps over time. Public publications, such as general interest magazines, women’s magazines, and newspapers, showed public ideas of Marines’ gender and their relationship to civilian American gender ideals. This project explores the changing shape of normative Marine Corps bodies and the impact of ideas of masculinity and femininity in their deployment as methods of supporting the services’ goals.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Patterson_fsu_0071E_14978
Format: Thesis

Title: Empire of Direct Mail: Media, Fundraising, and Conservative Political Consultants.
Creator: Moriyama, Takahito, Piehler, G. Kurt, Gomez, Brad T., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Sinke, Suzanne M., Creswell, Michael, McVicar, Michael J., Florida State University, College of Arts...
Show moreMoriyama, Takahito, Piehler, G. Kurt, Gomez, Brad T., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Sinke, Suzanne M., Creswell, Michael, McVicar, Michael J., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This study examines the rise of modern American conservatism by analyzing the role of computerized direct mail in the conservative movement from the 1950s to the 1980s. In the post-World War II years, the advertising industry on Madison Avenue developed direct marketing to reach out to prospective customers. As political consultants in New York City introduced the new advertising strategy into politics during the 1950s, direct mail became an important medium especially for conservatives when...
Show moreThis study examines the rise of modern American conservatism by analyzing the role of computerized direct mail in the conservative movement from the 1950s to the 1980s. In the post-World War II years, the advertising industry on Madison Avenue developed direct marketing to reach out to prospective customers. As political consultants in New York City introduced the new advertising strategy into politics during the 1950s, direct mail became an important medium especially for conservatives when the majority of mass media was liberal. Empire of Direct Mail focuses on conservative activists in New York and Washington, D.C., such as Marvin Liebman and Richard Viguerie, narrating how direct mail contributed to right-wing organizations and politicians. Constructing the computer database of personal information, direct mail operatives compiled mailing lists of supporters, which provided conservative candidates, including Barry Goldwater, George Wallace, and Ronald Reagan, with nationwide networks of voters and contributors. Right-wing messengers effectively employed direct mail by using emotion as a campaign strategy. They capitalized on rage and discontent in post-1960s America in order to court Southern Democrats, middle-class white suburbanites, and blue-collar workers. While liberal critics condemned conservatives for their emotionalism, liberals unintentionally promoted direct mail politics. The Federal Election Campaign Act Amendments of 1974 brought about the ascendancy of conservative direct mail as the liberal campaign finance reform prohibited big contribution. Direct mail had profound impacts not only on the conservative movement but also on American politics, creating a grassroots activism as the mass of small contribution rather than the accumulation of local engagement. Thus, this research demonstrates how direct mail played a role in transforming the contours of American politics and how it affected American political participation in the twentieth century.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Moriyama_fsu_0071E_15002
Format: Thesis

Title: The Pursuit of Equality the Continuation of Colonialism in Vietnam.
Creator: Boucher, Robert Arthur, Grant, Jonathan A., Blaufarb, Rafe, Özok-Gündoğan, Nilay, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Much of the scholarship on the colonial sphere remains focused on the ways that subalterns subverted colonial power and discourse, however little focus has centered on the way that colonized at times reified and perpetuated the ideas of the civilizing mission. In the case of Vietnam, over the course of approximately four decades Vietnamese intellectuals quickly swung from seeing the French as barbarians to a dynamic, modern power that should be learned from. In the process, modernization and...
Show moreMuch of the scholarship on the colonial sphere remains focused on the ways that subalterns subverted colonial power and discourse, however little focus has centered on the way that colonized at times reified and perpetuated the ideas of the civilizing mission. In the case of Vietnam, over the course of approximately four decades Vietnamese intellectuals quickly swung from seeing the French as barbarians to a dynamic, modern power that should be learned from. In the process, modernization and development came to be synonymous with everything from the West while tradition was invented as the old teachings. Importantly, while independence was achieved after much bloodshed and effort, the new Vietnamese state failed in reality to extricate itself from the grasp of European universalist ideas born out of the French Revolution. From efforts to open “New Learning” schools to demands of equality to French citizens and access to basic rights, the Vietnamese vision of a New Vietnam slowly became constrained to the path of the international community of nation-states. Ho Chi Minh would declare independence in the name of Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of happiness rather than the loss of the Mandate of Heaven. As such, this paper traces the variety of factors that influenced the manifold nature of colonialism and how rather than existing in a post-colonial world, the ideas of the mission civilisatrice have been continued by the powers which rebelled against it.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Boucher_fsu_0071N_15209
Format: Thesis

Title: Zeitfreiwillige and Freikorpskämpfer Paramilitaries of Early Weimar Germany.
Creator: Ellis, David Sloan, Grant, Jonathan A., Williamson, George S., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: During the early years of the Weimar Republic paramilitary organizations were commonplace. With the dissolution of the Imperial Army after the German defeat in World War I, the new republican government needed a means to ensure its authority and fostered volunteer troops known as Freikorps. These units could be raised and led by any with both the financial and charismatic means to do so and held no uniform model or political motivation. They saw the most action during the German Revolution,...
Show moreDuring the early years of the Weimar Republic paramilitary organizations were commonplace. With the dissolution of the Imperial Army after the German defeat in World War I, the new republican government needed a means to ensure its authority and fostered volunteer troops known as Freikorps. These units could be raised and led by any with both the financial and charismatic means to do so and held no uniform model or political motivation. They saw the most action during the German Revolution, along the Eastern Border, and in the Ruhr. Their campaigns during the Revolution secured the position of the new administration but split the Labor Parties which prevented a majority government from forming for much of the 1920s. The string of short-lived cabinets prevented the stabilization of the Weimar Government, provided strong extra-constitutional powers to the President, and created the opportunity for previously fringe radical parties to become legitimate coalition members. After the acceptance of the Treaty of Versailles and the implementation of its restrictions, these units became highly disillusioned and hostile towards the Weimar Government and drifted towards the political Right. Led by nationalistic generals and political officials who wanted to reject the Treaty, the Freikorps units that emerged from the Revolution attempted several times to violently overthrow the government, but none would succeed. Their failures and the continued pressure of the Entente to disband all paramilitaries pushed the remaining Freikorps fighters into police units, the border guard, secret military reserves, and labor groups. They would reappear whenever Germany’s borders became threatened, but gradually lost support in the stability of the Golden Age of Weimar in the mid-1920s. Unwilling to accept the government and wholly disperse, Freikorps members moved into politics itself via war veteran organizations and the growing Right-wing parties. Having fought to support and later destroy the Weimar Government, they knew the only way to bring about the change they wanted to see would be to enter the system itself. Raised to provide authority to the Republic, the Freikorps greatly weakened the political Left, allowed the Right time to recuperate, bolstering their ranks in the 1930s.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Ellis_fsu_0071N_15191
Format: Thesis

Title: The Origin of Disfranchisement: County Level Resistance to African American Voting in Post-Emancipation Florida.
Creator: Long, Thomas W. (William), Frank, Andrew, Piehler, G. Kurt, Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines how divisions among Florida Democrats affected the suppression of African American political participation in Florida. In post-emancipation Florida, white politicians overcame these divisions to create a framework in which the state technically met federal mandates established by the Fourteenth Amendment while also ensuring that de facto disfranchisement occurred statewide, a constitutional façade. In addition, it explores how this conversation marginalized the concerns...
Show moreThis thesis examines how divisions among Florida Democrats affected the suppression of African American political participation in Florida. In post-emancipation Florida, white politicians overcame these divisions to create a framework in which the state technically met federal mandates established by the Fourteenth Amendment while also ensuring that de facto disfranchisement occurred statewide, a constitutional façade. In addition, it explores how this conversation marginalized the concerns of the state’s African American community. Four individuals epitomized the distinctive approaches to the post-Reconstruction political order. Governor David S. Walker represents Florida’s Reconstruction Era lawmakers who met in Tallahassee in 1866. Governor Walker assured legislators that Florida could return to the Union without having ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, but he later told legislators that African American suffrage was “fixed.” Unreconstructed rebels such as A.K. Allison urged violence to stop African American political participation during Reconstruction. Governor William D. Bloxham personifies Democrat officeholders who promised to suppress vigilante violence but appealed for electoral support at a Klan rally. Senator Wilkinson Call embodies the racist populism that condemned railroads and African American “lust.” Each of them contributed to Florida’s constitutional façade. Florida’s 1865 constitution denied African American suffrage. Florida’s lawmakers could not conceive of it. Governor Walker assured them it would not occur, but he accepted the reality that Congress had imposed. Allison represents a “boisterous” element of displaced aspiring white elites who violently repressed African American suffrage. Governor Bloxham represents the Democrat establishment that condemned vigilante violence as it relied on the Ku Klux Klan to maintain white electoral solidarity. Patronage and paternalism illuminate the tension that existed between the establishment embodied by Governor Bloxham, and the “boisterous” element who aspired to the establishment or sought to reclaim their position in it. Those who had the power to dispense could afford paternalism, whereas those who aspired to that power saw African American political participation as a threat to their ability to distribute patronage. Senator Call’s Confederate background, descent from Governor Richard Keith Call, and anti-railroad populism embodies Democrat divisions between the Democrat establishment conservatives who favored railroads and anti-railroad populists who complained over their land policies, charges, and damage to livestock. Shifting political coalitions of white anti-railroad populists and conservative railroad aligned Democrats defined the political as the social to exclude African Americans. His congressional tirade against African American “lust” illuminates the abiding fear that moved Florida to deny African Americans social citizenship to deny a political citizenship guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. Florida’s constitutional façade held: The state had not denied African American suffrage; the Democrat Party, the only relevant political organization, simply chose not to let them participate in primary elections. Senator Call’s tirade over African American “lust” moved disfranchisement’s spirit through the door that joined the political to the social. It completed Florida’s constitutional façade that denied African Americans’ citizenship. Beginning with the constitutional convention that drafted Florida’s 1868 constitution, Democrats used gubernatorial appointments and apportionment to dilute African American political strength. During Reconstruction, a “boisterous” element, such as Allison violently suppressed African American political participation. While Governor Bloxham vowed to suppress vigilante violence, he joined Democrats in courting Klan support to turn back an electoral challenge from disaffected Democrats in Florida’s 1884 gubernatorial election. After Florida’s 1885 constitutional convention and anti-railroad legislature had marginalized African American political activity, the push to deny African American political citizenship intensified. County Democrat organizations denied African Americans the right to participate in the only relevant political organization, and the Democratic Party combined their white only rule with a populist anti-business platform. The dominance of the Democratic Party had blurred the social and the political. The exclusion of African Americans from the social organization, the Democratic Party, excluded them from the political. Their political exclusion further separated African Americans from white society. Florida had completed its constitutional façade: African Americans retained the right to vote, but their exclusion from political decision-making made that right meaningless.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Long_fsu_0071N_15025
Format: Thesis

Title: Before, during, and Beyond: Historical Time and the German Revolutions of 1848 and 1849.
Creator: Thomas, Trevor, Williamson, George S., Gellately, Robert, Herrera, Robinson A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This study explores the ways by which notions of historical time informed those involved in the German revolutions of 1848 and 1849. Building on the theories of historical time offered by the German historian and theorist Reinhart Koselleck, this study argues that those opposing and supporting the revolutions operated within a temporal schema that was ideologically constructed. The ubiquitous presence of the French Revolution in German revolutionary and counterrevolutionary discourse, the...
Show moreThis study explores the ways by which notions of historical time informed those involved in the German revolutions of 1848 and 1849. Building on the theories of historical time offered by the German historian and theorist Reinhart Koselleck, this study argues that those opposing and supporting the revolutions operated within a temporal schema that was ideologically constructed. The ubiquitous presence of the French Revolution in German revolutionary and counterrevolutionary discourse, the deliberate creation of an ideologically-charged “revolutionary moment,” and the multi-layered perceptions of time common to those involved in Germany’s failed constitutional project all demonstrate the malleable nature of the past, present, and future. The study employs the stenographic reports of the German National Assembly, pamphlets, petitions, memoirs, diaries, political tracts, and cultural productions to back these claims.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Thomas_fsu_0071N_15224
Format: Thesis

Title: Robert Douglas: American Missionary in the Cold War Middle East.
Creator: Parker, William R. (William Riley), Hanley, Will, McClive, Catherine Elisabeth, Özok-Gündoğan, Nilay, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Robert Douglas was a Church of Christ missionary to Libya, Egypt, and Lebanon during the 1960s. Traveling during this period introduced Douglas to the reality of post-colonial context of the countries. He and his family lived as foreigners and missionaries in these countries, interacting with the American oil industry in Libya, Egyptian and Arab nationalism, and the impact of the Cold War on the Arab World. Although Douglas did not notice the Cold War around him, it impacted his time there in...
Show moreRobert Douglas was a Church of Christ missionary to Libya, Egypt, and Lebanon during the 1960s. Traveling during this period introduced Douglas to the reality of post-colonial context of the countries. He and his family lived as foreigners and missionaries in these countries, interacting with the American oil industry in Libya, Egyptian and Arab nationalism, and the impact of the Cold War on the Arab World. Although Douglas did not notice the Cold War around him, it impacted his time there in important ways. In all his travels, the United States and the Soviet Union struggled to gain influence over the young countries in which he resided. His religiosity encouraged him to travel to these countries under false pretenses. In Libya he could come in as a preacher to the American and British oil workers in Benghazi, but desired to be a missionary, while in Egypt he and his family came in as tourists and had to renew these visas but created a steady congregation of converts through missionary efforts. Both actions were illegal, due to laws in Libya and Egypt, and these laws led to the retraction of he and his family’s visas. He made his way to Lebanon where he constructed a missions’ school for recent converts. The Six Days’ War led to his leaving Lebanon and returning to the United States. Upon his return, he attended Fuller Seminary and the University of Southern California and became regarded as an expert in Muslim-aimed evangelism among Protestant evangelicals. His career challenges standard missionary narratives through his independent missionary activities, highlights American understandings and misconceptions of Islam, and the reality of the Cold War in the Middle East. All of this makes his journey into a historical narrative to challenge and address the larger macrohistories for American Christian missionaries abroad.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Parker_fsu_0071N_15196
Format: Thesis

Title: Making a Way out of No Way: Black Progress & the AME Church in Early County, Georgia to 1918.
Creator: Harris, Kyle Quinton, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Montgomery, Maxine Lavon, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Piehler, G. Kurt, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreHarris, Kyle Quinton, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Montgomery, Maxine Lavon, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Piehler, G. Kurt, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: Utilizing the historical and cultural frameworks of Stephen Hahn and bell hooks and their scholarly predecessors and contemporaries, this study focuses on the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church in Early County, Georgia, as a counter-hegemonic rural space for refuge, resistance, ingenuity and community-building, paying close attention to the activities at county seat, Blakely, which rippled through Early County. Chapter 1 of this study will examine the historical presence and...
Show moreUtilizing the historical and cultural frameworks of Stephen Hahn and bell hooks and their scholarly predecessors and contemporaries, this study focuses on the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church in Early County, Georgia, as a counter-hegemonic rural space for refuge, resistance, ingenuity and community-building, paying close attention to the activities at county seat, Blakely, which rippled through Early County. Chapter 1 of this study will examine the historical presence and significance of Blacks in Early County and their encounters with Methodism. The writer builds the argument that Africans in Early County always exercised varying degrees of ingenuity and autonomy, even under the yoke of slavery. As a consequence of the 13th and 14th Amendments, Blacks in the county were legally placed in a new space wherein they could make permanent inroads and influence AND develop this society. Utilizing the official media organ of the AME Church, The Christian Recorder and correspondence from AME Bishops, Elders, and laity, the writer shows how the national thrust of the AME church influenced the work of freedom and progress at the local level, evidenced through the accomplishments and collaborative efforts of AMEs and community leaders in Early County. In order for freedom and democracy to expand and be firmly rooted in a community, education must be at its core. Chapter 2 examines the AME Church's role in the field of education in Georgia, paying particular attention to African Methodist educational work in Early County and its influences across the state. Using the framework of Hooks, the establishment of the AME Church --- its educational and political arm created new "worlds" for Blacks in Early County. Moreover, it provided a "safe space" for the building of community. Chapter 3 will examine the political role of the AME Church in Early County, Georgia, highlighting how the firmly-bound ties of the connectional AME church, worked to undermine White Supremacy in Blakely, focusing on the leaders of this political movement and their religious background and influence. Efforts at Black progress, freedom and autonomy in Early County were not met with open arms from the county's White citizens, at times it was met with violent retaliatory measures. Chapter 4 will examine violence in the county, analyzing two instances of overt race violence, where AME Churches and congregants, among others, were targeted. It will also examine the AME Church's national stance on race violence, highlighting the viewpoint of leaders at the national and local levels and how they mitigated polarized race relations at the county seat. Overall, this study seeks to add to the historical scholarship of the AME Church's role in Black progress in America. In hooks' "Choosing the Margin As A Space of Radical Openness" she emphasizes a significant line from the South African Freedom Charter which states, "Our struggle is also a struggle of memory against forgetting" in her discussion on radical politics in the perceived Black peripheral space. It is hoped that this work will highlight the efforts of the AME church and Black people in Early County who embraced a radical and transformative movement of forward progress, outside of the scope of White Supremacy. In addition to this study creating an accurate historical record for the halls of academia, this work also encourages readers to remember, identify, examine, enhance and reimage the historical tenets of Black political progress and implement them to galvanize civic participation, societal justice and inclusive education in the rural South.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Summer_Harris_fsu_0071E_15373
Format: Thesis

Title: Bickering Brass: Interservice Rivalry, Defense Unification, and the Pacific War.
Creator: Gates, Allyson, Piehler, G. Kurt, Souva, Mark A., Culver, Annika A., Creswell, Michael, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Interservice rivalry between the United States' military services during the Second World War often proved problematic. Although the Americans and their allies emerged victorious from the conflict, they did so in part due to the even worse rivalries between the military services of the German and Japanese armies. These problems that came to a head during the war had a lasting effect on the military structure that continues to be felt to this day. The present structure of the American military...
Show moreInterservice rivalry between the United States' military services during the Second World War often proved problematic. Although the Americans and their allies emerged victorious from the conflict, they did so in part due to the even worse rivalries between the military services of the German and Japanese armies. These problems that came to a head during the war had a lasting effect on the military structure that continues to be felt to this day. The present structure of the American military is the result of decades of efforts to unify the services, which culminated with the 1986 Goldwater-Nichols Act. However, whereas most studies of the subject place the Cold War as the central, defining factor of the unification of the defense structure, my work argues that it was not tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union that created the foundations of the semi-joint American national security state, but instead the lessons of the Second World War. The conflicts between the Army and the Navy in the Pacific Theater provided the impetus for efforts to unify the services. Those same conflicts also led to a much less unified result than had originally been hoped for by the proponents of unification, which is, in part, the reason the unification process lasted so long after the passage of the National Security Act.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Summer_Gates_fsu_0071E_15169
Format: Thesis

Title: The Milner Legacy: The Empire and Appeasement Shaped Interwar Anglo-German Relations.
Creator: Valladares, David M. (David Miguel), Creswell, Michael, Souva, Mark A., Blaufarb, Rafe, Grant, Jonathan A., Upchurch, Charles, Florida State University, College of Arts and...
Show moreValladares, David M. (David Miguel), Creswell, Michael, Souva, Mark A., Blaufarb, Rafe, Grant, Jonathan A., Upchurch, Charles, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: The "Cliveden Set" was a 1930s, upper class group of prominent individuals who were politically influential in Britain during the interwar period. The group's members included notable politicians, journalist, and aristocrats such as Nancy Astor, Geoffrey Dawson, Philip Kerr, Edward Wood, and Robert Brand. The term "Cliveden Set," meant as a pejorative term, was coined by journalist Claud Cockburn who wrote for the newspaper The Week. Cockburn linked Geoffrey Dawson and The Times to a network...
Show moreThe "Cliveden Set" was a 1930s, upper class group of prominent individuals who were politically influential in Britain during the interwar period. The group's members included notable politicians, journalist, and aristocrats such as Nancy Astor, Geoffrey Dawson, Philip Kerr, Edward Wood, and Robert Brand. The term "Cliveden Set," meant as a pejorative term, was coined by journalist Claud Cockburn who wrote for the newspaper The Week. Cockburn linked Geoffrey Dawson and The Times to a network led by the Astors who had an "extraordinary position of concentrated political power" and had become "one of the most important supports of German influence." Considered to be a scapegoat for Britain's Appeasement Policy by many historians, the Cliveden Set utilized their influence to encourage a British foreign policy that supported Hitler's rearmament and the annexation of Austria and Czechoslovakia. Their goal was to preserve British Imperial rule and promote the unification of the British dominions. Philip Kerr, Geoffrey Dawson, Robert Brand and Lionel Curtis had all been members of Milner's Kindergarten in South Africa. Waldorf and Nancy Astor, who owned The Times and the Cliveden Estate, and others, sought to supplement formula for imperial unification that was demonstrated by Alfred Milner during South African reconstruction. By adopting this template of imperial preservation which was exercised by Milner's Kindergarten, the Cliveden Set's role in the developments that led to World War II became substantial..
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Summer_Valladares_fsu_0071E_15174
Format: Thesis

Title: DDH: A Historical Life.
Creator: DeFeudis, Michael R., Blaufarb, Rafe, Souva, Mark A., Grant, Jonathan A., Creswell, Michael, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This work is focused on the impact and influence of Dr. Donald D. Horward on studies of the French Revolution and First Empire from 1960-present. It can be used as a lens to understand the development, expansion, and contraction of research, publications, graduate student production, academic dialogue, and outside private interest in the two fields. The study marks the importance of Dr. Horward’s influence on international cooperation and dialogue within the field of Napoleonic studies. It...
Show moreThis work is focused on the impact and influence of Dr. Donald D. Horward on studies of the French Revolution and First Empire from 1960-present. It can be used as a lens to understand the development, expansion, and contraction of research, publications, graduate student production, academic dialogue, and outside private interest in the two fields. The study marks the importance of Dr. Horward’s influence on international cooperation and dialogue within the field of Napoleonic studies. It highlights how that influence led to the involvement of national governments in projects dedicated to their history, particularly in France, England, Spain, and Portugal. Horward was the primary engine behind combined academic efforts to expand the reach of military history within studies of Napoleonic Europe. Horward’s expertise, particularly in the Peninsular War, eventually caught the eye of the U.S. military and established a unique link between academia and various service branch schools, not the least of which was West Point, for a quarter century thereafter. This relationship strengthened and burgeoned into a dynamic sector within the broader field of Napoleonic studies, as these soldier-scholars not only taught future army officers, but developed into academics in their own right. Finally, Dr. Horward was a major catalyst driving the private funding pumped into the field in the last two decades of the 20th century, just as the fields reached their high tide in production and interest.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Fall_DeFeudis_fsu_0071E_15570
Format: Thesis

Title: Unwilling Tools of Empire: Pan American Airways, Brazil and the Quest for Air Hegemony, 1929-1945.
Creator: Clemans, Paul, Piehler, G. Kurt, Driscoll, Amanda M., Grant, Jonathan A., Creswell, Michael, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Johnson, M. Houston, Florida State University, College...
Show moreClemans, Paul, Piehler, G. Kurt, Driscoll, Amanda M., Grant, Jonathan A., Creswell, Michael, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Johnson, M. Houston, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: The American imperial aspirations to dominate international aviation struggled to overcome domestic and international opposition. United States presidents from the late 1920s and early 1930s adopted a strategy of providing Pan American Airways with preferential treatment in order to establish that airline as their chosen instrument in the international aviation market. They believed a singular airline company would concentrate the business of American international travelers in one entity,...
Show moreThe American imperial aspirations to dominate international aviation struggled to overcome domestic and international opposition. United States presidents from the late 1920s and early 1930s adopted a strategy of providing Pan American Airways with preferential treatment in order to establish that airline as their chosen instrument in the international aviation market. They believed a singular airline company would concentrate the business of American international travelers in one entity, and thus create the strongest possible entry into the market. The U.S. government helped Pan American merge with, buy out, or drive out competing American airlines from this market. However, the strategy contradicted American values of free enterprise, and open and fair competition for the U.S. government’s business. The resulting reconciliation with the American public and the U.S. Congress led to extended legislative negotiations and the creation of the Civil Aeronautic Authority and the Civil Aeronautics Board to regulate the industry. The Executive Branch wanted, and needed, a strong commercial presence in the international aviation arena both to compete with foreign airlines and to meet potential national defense demands. During the 1930s, the Administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt affirmed Pan American Airways as the U.S. monopoly for international air services. When the Axis Powers rose and popular American isolationism persisted in 1940, the Roosevelt Administration possessed a capable instrument to employ in making preparations for the coming conflict. The U.S. turned to Pan American to build military-ready air bases in Latin America under the guise of commercial airports expansion. Pan American initially refused the request on the basis that an American company operating in foreign countries would face severe recriminations for secretly serving as an instrument of the U.S. national defense. Still, the administration prevailed upon Pan American to undertake the airport construction and granted the company significant concessions for the service under a contract titled the Airport Development Program. The Brazilian government, especially the country’s armed forces, presented the most tenacious opposition to the projection of American power through their country. The first American defense plans called for the construction of new airports in Brazil to help defend the Western Hemisphere from a feared invasion by Nazi Germany. However, the Brazilians had developed strong ties with Germany that went so far as to include the purchase of modern military equipment from this country’s defense industry. In addition, many Brazilians perceived the Americans as just another imperial power that sought to dominate the country, like the Portuguese or British before them. Pan American negotiated with the Brazilian government for permission to build the airports in the early months of the Airport Development Program, but lost most of its expected benefits in the process. At the same time, the U.S. government negotiated directly with the Brazilian government for broad support of America’s war preparation agenda. The two negotiations occurred independently, but the Brazilians certainly associated the Airport Development Program, the Congressional Lend-Lease programs, and associated economic development packages as U.S. initiatives. The U.S. military appeared to have carte blanche to conduct air operations while the Second World War lasted. However, the Brazilian cooperation and American benefits ceased with the conclusion of the war. Far from wielding omnipotent, dictatorial power, the U.S. government negotiated the ability to project military power through each of its relationships. It negotiated with Pan American, the American public, and the U.S. Congress to establish an American monopoly in the international aviation market. The U.S. administration further negotiated with Pan American to assist in the national defense and airport construction. Lastly, the administration negotiated with the Brazilians to construct airports there and conduct U.S. air operations in Brazil. For these reasons, the American empire may more aptly be characterized as a fractured distribution of powers than a cohesive imperial power seeking to enforce its singular international will.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Fall_Clemans_fsu_0071E_15587
Format: Thesis

Title: Doing a Real Job: The Evolution in Women's Roles in British Society through the Lens of Female Spies, 1914-1945.
Creator: Wirsansky, Danielle, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Upchurch, Charles, Roberts, Diane, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: The first half of the twentieth century was in many ways a watershed era for women and their role in British society. The world wars ushered in a time of unprecedented change. The wars opened positions for women outside of the home, making it a more accepted practice; the government recruited and drafted women not just for work but for active service. Looking at these changes, the shifts in women’s roles in British society can be reflected by the more extreme cases of this shift, focusing on...
Show moreThe first half of the twentieth century was in many ways a watershed era for women and their role in British society. The world wars ushered in a time of unprecedented change. The wars opened positions for women outside of the home, making it a more accepted practice; the government recruited and drafted women not just for work but for active service. Looking at these changes, the shifts in women’s roles in British society can be reflected by the more extreme cases of this shift, focusing on the experiences of female spies. This paper serves to demonstrate that the involvement of female spies in WWI and WWII is a useful indicator in the shift of women’s role in British society during this span of time. Alongside the goals of the government, this paper aims to analyze the broader shift in gender roles. Focusing in on the micro-history of spies, this study explores the evolution of the experience of female spies from WWI to WWII, reflecting the same kinds of changes taking place in the experience of the everyday British woman. Then, by focusing in on the struggle for agency that British female spies faced in the second world war, the study directly relates their attempts with those of the everyday British woman. War did not simply generate a change, a quick and sudden reversal of gender roles. Instead, the war afforded women opportunities to prove themselves and make strides towards being the kind of woman they wanted to be.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Sp_Wirsansky_fsu_0071N_14327
Format: Thesis

Title: The Controversy Surrounding Slave Insanity: The Diagnosis, Treatment and Lived Experience of Mentally Ill Slaves in the Antebellum South.
Creator: Simon, Kristi M. (Kristi Marie), Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Gabriel, Joseph, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Focusing on the period from approximately 1800-1865, this thesis uses a historical conceptualist perspective to examine how psychiatric history intersects with the lived experience of slaves in the antebellum south. Unlike previous works that tell the history of psychiatry through the history of the asylum movement, this study seeks to emphasize how everyday Americans, from white physicians to slaves, conceptualized, discussed, diagnosed, and treated black insanity. In the process, this study...
Show moreFocusing on the period from approximately 1800-1865, this thesis uses a historical conceptualist perspective to examine how psychiatric history intersects with the lived experience of slaves in the antebellum south. Unlike previous works that tell the history of psychiatry through the history of the asylum movement, this study seeks to emphasize how everyday Americans, from white physicians to slaves, conceptualized, discussed, diagnosed, and treated black insanity. In the process, this study illuminates the way the politics, beliefs, and culture of nineteenth-century society impacted the way Americans viewed black insanity. Moreover, the findings presented in this thesis attest to the pivotal role race, gender, and class played in both the diagnosis and treatment of mental illness in the antebellum south. Hence, paying careful attention to the politics of the time, this study focuses on the highly contested and flexible process that was conceptualizing, diagnosing, quantifying, and treating black insanity in the antebellum south, and encourages readers to consider how the label “insane” impacted the life of an afflicted slave and their community.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Sp_Simon_fsu_0071N_14534
Format: Thesis

Title: Europa and the Bull: Gendering Europe and the Process of European Integration, 1919-1939.
Creator: Shriver, Rebecca Rae, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Souva, Mark A., Sinke, Suzanne M., Hanley, Will, Upchurch, Charles, Kurlander, Eric, Florida State University, College of Arts and...
Show moreShriver, Rebecca Rae, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Souva, Mark A., Sinke, Suzanne M., Hanley, Will, Upchurch, Charles, Kurlander, Eric, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This study examines the role of women and gender in German and British sections of three antiwar organizations that advocated for a European polity during the 1920s and 1930s: the Pan-European Union (PEU), the New Europe Group (NEG), and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). This project relies on extensive archival research using collections located throughout Europe, the United States, and Canada, some of which were only very recently cataloged. My findings...
Show moreThis study examines the role of women and gender in German and British sections of three antiwar organizations that advocated for a European polity during the 1920s and 1930s: the Pan-European Union (PEU), the New Europe Group (NEG), and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). This project relies on extensive archival research using collections located throughout Europe, the United States, and Canada, some of which were only very recently cataloged. My findings fundamentally change our understanding of interwar integration advocates, who historians previously characterized as a small group of intellectual men. An analysis of the PEU and NEG reveals that women were a significant proportion of their members and leaders. Further complicating the traditional narrative that these were “male” driven groups, this study finds they stressed the “feminine” qualities their proposed system of governance required. Integration advocates blamed the perception of crisis between the wars on the belief that the political system was man-made. Many of these individuals believed women offered new ideas and an alternative source of leadership; thus, the role of women in developing a European polity was a popular topic among important segments of unification advocates. This argument resonated with many members and national sections of WILPF, which led them to collaborate with both the NEG and PEU. Although well known for its feminist pacifist activism, Europa and the Bull is the first study to examine the ways in which WILPF contributed to movements aimed at creating a European polity. By addressing all three of these organizations, this study challenges our understanding of the interwar movement for a federal European government, as well as the social and cultural forces that motivated them.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Sp_Shriver_fsu_0071E_14311
Format: Thesis

Title: The Little Island Will Not Be a Trifling Jewel: Great Britain and Malta: 1798-1824.
Creator: Zwilling, Andrew, Gray, Edward G., Porterfield, Amanda, Blaufarb, Rafe, Jones, James Pickett, Upchurch, Charles, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreZwilling, Andrew, Gray, Edward G., Porterfield, Amanda, Blaufarb, Rafe, Jones, James Pickett, Upchurch, Charles, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This project examines the creation and early administration of Malta as a British colony, between the years 1798 and 1824. For centuries, Britain’s imperial ambitions and Malta’s role in the Mediterranean operated on largely parallel courses, very rarely intersecting. This changed during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. British acquisition and development of Malta occurred during these conflicts, with all the inherent chaos and uncertainty that war creates. The Maltese people...
Show moreThis project examines the creation and early administration of Malta as a British colony, between the years 1798 and 1824. For centuries, Britain’s imperial ambitions and Malta’s role in the Mediterranean operated on largely parallel courses, very rarely intersecting. This changed during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. British acquisition and development of Malta occurred during these conflicts, with all the inherent chaos and uncertainty that war creates. The Maltese people endured a two-year- long siege against the French in Valletta, and saw the islands’ previous rulers, the Knights of St. John, deposed. Prior to that, Malta suffered a decade of fiscal ruin brought on by the French Revolution. The Maltese needed permanence and recovery, a difficult task for the British in a wartime climate. However, within the instability of war there was also opportunity. Malta’s relationships with other nations’ markets opened for expansion, especially given the island chain’s central location and longstanding reputation as a safe port of call. At the core of this narrative are the British officials tasked with administering Malta, especially the civil commissioners (later governors), whose decisions were crucial in shaping Malta’s growth under British rule. British Malta faced many challenges, including food shortages, international uncertainly, internal intrigue and plague. It was under the early administrators that British Malta saw some success, but mostly failure.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Sp_Zwilling_fsu_0071E_14389
Format: Thesis

Title: Health Politics in Cold War America, 1953 -1988.
Creator: Whitehurst, John Robert, Doel, Ronald Edmund, Mesev, Victor, Frank, Andrew, Blaufarb, Rafe, Gabriel, Joseph, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department...
Show moreWhitehurst, John Robert, Doel, Ronald Edmund, Mesev, Victor, Frank, Andrew, Blaufarb, Rafe, Gabriel, Joseph, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: Throughout American history, physicians and their close professional associates, including pharmacists, have been asked to participate in both public health and national security efforts. While these efforts are not inherently contradictory, some physicians within the medical community began to perceive them as such, especially following World War II. These physicians gave birth to an anti-nuclear “physicians’ movement” that challenged the notions of national security and used public health...
Show moreThroughout American history, physicians and their close professional associates, including pharmacists, have been asked to participate in both public health and national security efforts. While these efforts are not inherently contradictory, some physicians within the medical community began to perceive them as such, especially following World War II. These physicians gave birth to an anti-nuclear “physicians’ movement” that challenged the notions of national security and used public health as a basis for doing so. They did this alongside two very important allies: natural scientists and concerned citizens, particularly middle-class women. This dissertation focuses on the two ways in which activist physicians were most directly tied to national security: as purveyors of information on the health effects of radiation (especially that resulting from nuclear testing) on people and the environment, and as participants in civil defense programs and exercises. Cold War physicians and pharmacists were expected to be the arbiters of information concerning the physical impacts of nuclear testing on Americans. Indeed, civil defense programs often described them as the “liaison” between the science community and the general public. Consequently, those within the “physicians’ movement” used their positions to challenge nuclear testing through medical activism. The Physicians for Social Responsibility (PSR), alongside various other anti-nuclear groups like the Women Strike for Peace (WSP) and Committee for Nuclear Information (CNI), presented information which contested the narratives of federal and state agencies, which often claimed that radioactive levels resulting from nuclear testing remained and would continue to remain safe for Americans. This challenge was largely manifest through the national conversation on the consequences of radioisotopes on public health, in particular Strontium 90 and Iodine 131. These radioisotopes fell from the skies in the form of fallout and worked their way back up food chains and into the American diet. This was especially disconcerting to young mothers, as infants and small children were particularly susceptible to these toxins. The “physicians’ movement” mobilized these radioisotopes and challenged civil defense throughout the early Cold War. Its leaders largely did so in the name of public health and were even credited by Kennedy’s science advisor, Jerome Wiesner, for their influence in garnishing American support for the passing of a Limited Test Ban Treaty (LTBT) in 1963. The LTBT was a monumental achievement of the anti-nuclear movement, as it eliminated atmospheric (above ground or aquatic) nuclear testing in both the United States and the Soviet Union. While underground nuclear testing continued, and other nations soon entered the nuclear club, this legislation greatly limited the two largest nuclear powers from further contaminating the global atmosphere to the degree that they had in the early Cold War. During the early Cold war, physicians and pharmacists were also expected to continue the tradition of supporting and preparing for war on the home front via civil defense exercises and practices. With civil defense administrators shifting their focus from conventional toward nuclear arsenals following World War II, they also began to predict the disproportionate destruction of physicians in post-war scenarios. Pharmacists and others within the medical community were being trained to take the place of these theoretically deceased physicians in preparation for a post-attack environment. The idea that pharmacists could replace physicians in a post-nuclear environment, as proposed by civil defense planners, alerted some physicians that something must be done. In response, the PSR participated in several congressional hearings, influenced the narratives of other anti-nuclear groups, funded anti-nuclear media, and fostered citizen-science projects in order to challenge notions of civil defense and nuclear testing in the name of public health. Medical activism, however, did not end with the signing of the LTBT. The PSR, in particular, only grew stronger as the Reagan Revolution and heightened Cold War tensions rose in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The PSR mutated from a local and national organization into an international participant in the Freeze movement and the anti-nuclear resurgence of the early 1980s. Medical activists again used many of the same methods they had relied on during the early Cold War period to challenge militarism such as professional journals, newspaper editorials, and popular media. They also began to use newer forms of media. In particular, the PSR funded the airing of several well-known and influential anti-nuclear films, like Day After and Threads, which challenged the foundations of civil defense throughout the 1980s. The story of Cold War medical activism illuminates the various tensions which have existed, and continue to exist, which are fundamental to balancing the necessities of national security with those of public health.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Whitehurst_fsu_0071E_14837
Format: Thesis

Title: Collegiate Symbols and Mascots of the American Landscape: Identity, Iconography, and Marketing.
Creator: DeSantis, Gary Gennar, Frank, Andrew, Crew, Robert E., Grant, Jonathan A., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Gray, Edward G., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreDeSantis, Gary Gennar, Frank, Andrew, Crew, Robert E., Grant, Jonathan A., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Gray, Edward G., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: The rise of college symbols and mascots related to the American landscape directly correlates with the rapid changes stemming from industrialization and urbanization occurring in American culture between the late-nineteenth century and first decades of the twentieth century. The loss of national identity attributed to the closing of the western frontier had a devastating effect on young white males in particular. The ensuing cultural crisis brought about by the wanton extirpation of wildlife...
Show moreThe rise of college symbols and mascots related to the American landscape directly correlates with the rapid changes stemming from industrialization and urbanization occurring in American culture between the late-nineteenth century and first decades of the twentieth century. The loss of national identity attributed to the closing of the western frontier had a devastating effect on young white males in particular. The ensuing cultural crisis brought about by the wanton extirpation of wildlife and destruction of the natural environment led directly to the preservationist movement of the turn-of-the century. In the face of unparalleled immigration, fitness and the back-to-nature movement were believed to be instrumental in helping white American men avoid committing "race suicide." Nurtured by the teachings and philosophies of conservationists and preservationists, young white college men formed the first football teams and adopted symbols of the American landscape as a means of team identity. Because iconography makes for a powerful tool of identity and solidarity, students and college officials were likewise intrigued. Eager to quell unruly student behavior, college administrators—who had a more than contentious relationship with the student body throughout the late-nineteenth century—gladly assented. The profits soon realized from college sports and the pageantry surrounding it proved irresistible to colleges across the land. Consequently, by the early decades of the late-nineteenth century, numerous American college athletic teams began using mascots related to the American landscape and school colors to foment group solidarity.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Fall_DeSantis_fsu_0071E_14289
Format: Thesis

Title: Stuck in Traffic: The Wehrmacht's Failure in Urban Russia.
Creator: Sinisi, Scott T., Grant, Jonathan A., Williamson, George S., Creswell, Michael, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This paper traces an emergent pattern of critical delays imposed on the German method of warfare known as blitzkrieg by forced engagement in urban combat throughout the campaigns in Poland, France and the Low Countries, and finally the Soviet Union.
Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Sinisi_fsu_0071N_14954
Format: Thesis

Title: The Materiality of Empire: Forts, Labor, and the Colonial State in the French Lesser Antilles, 1661-1776.
Creator: Gigi, Arad, Blaufarb, Rafe, Niell, Paul B., Gray, Edward G., McMahon, Darrin M., Williamson, George S., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of...
Show moreGigi, Arad, Blaufarb, Rafe, Niell, Paul B., Gray, Edward G., McMahon, Darrin M., Williamson, George S., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This research explores the history of France’s imperial military system in the Old Régime Lesser Antilles Caribbean. The construction and maintenance of colonial fortifications demanded enormous sums, complex logistics, massive mobilization of labor, and effective coordination between the state and the colonial elites. This research sheds new light on the emergence, function, and evolution of the modern French state, empire, and colonial societies, as well on labor in the Atlantic World. In...
Show moreThis research explores the history of France’s imperial military system in the Old Régime Lesser Antilles Caribbean. The construction and maintenance of colonial fortifications demanded enormous sums, complex logistics, massive mobilization of labor, and effective coordination between the state and the colonial elites. This research sheds new light on the emergence, function, and evolution of the modern French state, empire, and colonial societies, as well on labor in the Atlantic World. In the transition to the modern state, European sovereignty was increasingly associated with the state’s ability to define, utilize, control, and defend its territorial space. In this context, I argue, forts emerged as remarkably potent instruments that gave sovereignty a material form. I turn the Military Revolution thesis on its head: it was not the rise of bastion fortifications that propelled the emergence of the modern state, but rather the changing political culture in Europe that created the need for monarchs to build forts. This research explores the evolution of the French colonial state and links it to the evolving nature of Atlantic warfare. I argue that the Bourbon monarchy effectively transplanted its mechanisms of rule overseas. Whereas in Europe the Absolute monarchy governed through pre-existing noble networks, in the colonies it relied on creole socio-economic structures. I diverge from previous interpretations of the French empire that see creole-metropolitan relations as purely antagonistic and instead show that these were often symbiotic: the monarchy relied on the material and human support of its colonists to build forts and advance its geopolitical interests, while the colonists sought a growing state presence to protect them with its military and naval capabilities. Creole-metropolitan relations in the French Caribbean cannot be reduced to simplified dichotomies of creoles versus metropole that developed along a linear trajectory that led naturally to the Revolutionary break. Rather, the relationship between the state and the colonists fluctuated at time according to a variety of factors, such as warfare, economic conditions, climate, and creolization. Another major concern of this research is to illuminate the labor practices of the French colonial state. In conjunction with enslaved labor— which it usually requisitioned from the colonists through the under-studied system of the colonial corvée— the state regularly employed soldiers and indentured servants. Oftentimes, soldiers and slaves worked alongside one another performing the same arduous tasks. After the Seven Years’ War, the Bourbon monarchy revoked the corvée, partially in an attempt to rectify its relationship with the creoles, partially to streamline its labor administration. It then decided to ship battalions of soldiers to the colonies to work on the construction imperial infrastructure. My research emphasizes the role of the state in shaping the Atlantic labor structures. Building on a recent scholarly trend that seeks to embed Atlantic slavery within the social and economic contexts of the early-modern world, my study undermines traditional dichotomizations of free and unfree, white and black, and skilled and unskilled labor. Instead it highlights the malleability of these categories and the complexity of the colonial labor dynamics.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Sp_Gigi_fsu_0071E_14399
Format: Thesis

Title: Now I Am in Distant Germany, It Could Be That I Will Die: Colonial Precedent, Wartime Contingency, and Crisis Mentality in the Transition from Subjugation to Decimation of Foreign Workers in the Nazi Ruhr.
Creator: Osmar, Christopher Michael, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Maier-Katkin, Daniel, Williamson, George S., Hanley, Will, Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and...
Show moreOsmar, Christopher Michael, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Maier-Katkin, Daniel, Williamson, George S., Hanley, Will, Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: By the end of the Second World War over half a million foreign civilians were living within the confines of a system of forced labor in and around the Ruhr region of Germany. While the use of some degree of coercion had characterized this foreign labor deployment scheme since its institution in 1939, mass execution was not introduced as a tool for controlling foreign workers until September 1944. What prompted this resort to extreme violence? The conventional explanation for so-called crimes...
Show moreBy the end of the Second World War over half a million foreign civilians were living within the confines of a system of forced labor in and around the Ruhr region of Germany. While the use of some degree of coercion had characterized this foreign labor deployment scheme since its institution in 1939, mass execution was not introduced as a tool for controlling foreign workers until September 1944. What prompted this resort to extreme violence? The conventional explanation for so-called crimes of the end phase of this sort has been that the collapse of German society at the end of the war removed constraints on ideologically committed perpetrators who had become increasingly radicalized and brutalized by the war, creating a vacuum of authority where they could act on violent impulses. This dissertation seeks to correct the prevailing view, arguing instead that moments of crisis activated longstanding institutional and cultural norms that endorsed specific kinds of violence within specific contexts, and that a series of these crises in western Germany prompted the resort to executions as a temporary measure to prevent societal collapse within a restructured but still functioning system of authority. This dissertation traces the genealogy of end phase violence and the wider system for controlling forced labor back to the German colonial experience. Colonial notions of extracting labor within the tight controls of an apartheid regime persisted into the Third Reich, as did patterns of thinking that criminalized resistance to domination and justified the utilization of extreme violence when resistance occurred within a climate of crisis. Still, there was not a straight line from Africa to the mass execution of foreign workers in the Ruhr, and norms established in the colonies were malleable and subject to change when confronted by historical contingency. Nazi conception of race and community elaborated on the colonial foundation, while the subsequent conquest and subjugation of people in the East, along with the experience of the partisan war in the Soviet Union, further refined ideas about managing coerced labor and resistance to it. The Second World War also introduced problems that had not been encountered in the colonies. With the weaponization of morale, Allied and National Socialist propaganda organizations vied for control of both attitudes about foreign workers and the attitudes of the foreigners themselves. The strategic bombing campaign was an important component of this morale war in which foreign workers would play a role. In considering the protection to afford to foreigners threatened by bombs, German captors were confronted with questions about how to balance economic and ideological needs, and often determined that the lives of foreigners were expendable. In the end, Germany won the morale war, and the will of the people to continue to resist did not break. The Allies were victorious, however, in the propaganda battle over perceptions of foreigners, succeeding in instilling a deep fear of an impending foreigner uprising the minds of German security forces. When the war front finally reached the German border it brought with it a crisis that would prompt a shift in the Gestapo's frame of reference from that of domestic policing to that of rear-area security. This shift activated norms for combating recalcitrant forced laborers developed in the colonies and filtered through the experience of the anti-partisan war. Even in the end phase, however, crisis was not a perpetual state. The Gestapo's reliance on violence fluctuated as the intensity of the emergency ebbed and flowed with the local contingencies of the war. Amidst these crises Berlin reorganized the Gestapo in the Ruhr and relinquished some of its authority over them, but it remained intact and continued to engage with local, regional, and national authorities in negotiating its execution policy.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Fall_Osmar_fsu_0071E_14915
Format: Thesis

Title: Dancing with a Ghost: Reckoning with the Legacy of Racial Vioelnce in North Florida in the 1920s.
Creator: Martinez, Meghan Helena, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Montgomery, Maxine Lavon, Grant, Jonathan A., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Florida State University,...
Show moreMartinez, Meghan Helena, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Montgomery, Maxine Lavon, Grant, Jonathan A., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This work employs historical memory as a theoretical framework in which to explore racial violence in Florida in the 1920s. Focusing on Baker County and Taylor County, I explore the ways in which white memory was (and is) commemorated in public spaces while black memory is often relegated to a more private sphere. Because black memory is underrepresented in archives and public spaces, black citizens and their experiences have been, in many ways, left out of the historical record. In both...
Show moreThis work employs historical memory as a theoretical framework in which to explore racial violence in Florida in the 1920s. Focusing on Baker County and Taylor County, I explore the ways in which white memory was (and is) commemorated in public spaces while black memory is often relegated to a more private sphere. Because black memory is underrepresented in archives and public spaces, black citizens and their experiences have been, in many ways, left out of the historical record. In both communities, violent atrocities were committed against African Americans who lived there. I explore the long-term effects of these incidents and how local residents continue to contend with or commemorate their past. This work also examines how memories concerning racial violence and southern identity are created and maintained.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Fall_Martinez_fsu_0071E_14922
Format: Thesis

Title: Tempered Inclusion: Syrian-Lebanese and Armenian Immigrants and Progressive Era Policy Making, 1894-1924.
Creator: Soash, Richard E., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Edwards, Leigh H., Sinke, Suzanne M., Garretson, Peter P., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Taken as a whole, the progressive reformers who interacted with Syrian-Lebanese and Armenian immigrants generally tried to help, rather than hinder, the two peoples as they began to adjust to life in the United States. Many of the same reformers who sought to aid the two groups were strong nativists who disliked southern and eastern European immigrants’ occupational and political choices and considered Asian immigrants too “alien” to assimilate into the United States. Yet several self...
Show moreTaken as a whole, the progressive reformers who interacted with Syrian-Lebanese and Armenian immigrants generally tried to help, rather than hinder, the two peoples as they began to adjust to life in the United States. Many of the same reformers who sought to aid the two groups were strong nativists who disliked southern and eastern European immigrants’ occupational and political choices and considered Asian immigrants too “alien” to assimilate into the United States. Yet several self-described progressives – both pluralists who accepted most ethnic groups and xenophobes who feared and detested the majority of immigrants – helped the Syrian-Lebanese and Armenians in a variety of ways. They helped the immigrants find employment in the United States. They defended the two groups as “White” and therefore as eligible to become U.S. citizens. And, when passing discriminatory legislation against immigrants from the Asian continent, progressives in Congress carved out exceptions for the two groups. When officials create immigration policy, they are drawing legal lines of inclusion and exclusion. Sometimes the divide falls along the lines of ideology, other times the line is drawn to separate groups of people by geography, class, or religion. As policy-makers work through this process, their biases can have a dramatic effect on immigrants’ lives. The Syrian-Lebanese and Armenians understood the importance of emphasizing the ways in which their socio-economic characteristics aligned with the socio-economic preferences of the era’s policy-makers. This dissertation interrogates the apparent contradiction of progressive nativists advocating in favor of Syrian-Lebanese and Armenian immigrants. By doing so, this work illustrates the intricacies of progressive era policy-making and the far-reaching impact that obscure Congressmen, a lame-duck Senator, and officials buried deep within the federal bureaucracy could have on the lives of everyday individuals trying to navigate life in their new country.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Su_Soash_fsu_0071E_14528
Format: Thesis

Title: Recognizing the 'Learned Lady' in the English Upper Class, 1750-1860.
Creator: Kent, Kimberly A., Upchurch, Charles, Williamson, George S., Sinke, Suzanne M., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Class is one of the most frequently invoked analytic categories used in the study of British history. Yet, as recognized by scholar Eileen Boris, "class as a category of analysis is pervasive, but taken for granted instead of problematized in the field as a whole." This is perhaps especially true in the way that class intersects with questions of gender. Works such as Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall's, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class 1780-1850 and Anna Clark's...
Show moreClass is one of the most frequently invoked analytic categories used in the study of British history. Yet, as recognized by scholar Eileen Boris, "class as a category of analysis is pervasive, but taken for granted instead of problematized in the field as a whole." This is perhaps especially true in the way that class intersects with questions of gender. Works such as Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall's, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class 1780-1850 and Anna Clark's The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class have illustrated how English women experienced class differently from their male counterparts in both the Middle and Working classes within this period. However, there is no equivalent body of study which seeks to explore the disparity in privilege and agency amongst upper-class women. While elite men were ensured certain standards of agency and privilege, defended by legal systems and patriarchal societal expectations; women within the upper-classes enjoyed no such guarantees or protections. The 'Learned Lady' paradigm is a strategy designed to better recognize the way one kind of upper-class woman subverted gendered norms of behavior to exercise agency and privilege, without sacrificing her social respectability.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Fall_Kent_fsu_0071N_14543
Format: Thesis

Title: Nuclear Spaces: Simulations of Nuclear Warfare in Film, by the Numbers, and on the Atomic Battlefield.
Creator: Kinney, D. J. (Donald J.), Doel, Ronald Edmund, Hellweg, Joseph, Grant, Jonathan A., Harper, Kristine, Piehler, G. Kurt, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreKinney, D. J. (Donald J.), Doel, Ronald Edmund, Hellweg, Joseph, Grant, Jonathan A., Harper, Kristine, Piehler, G. Kurt, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: In one sense, the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 constitute the only nuclear war ever fought. Because of this, information on the wide breadth of topics pertinent to warfare—tactics, strategies, weapons effects, etc.—remained scant. In an effort to learn how to fight and win, and later to fight and survive, a nuclear war, the United States military, civil defense agencies, and the public more generally, undertook a project of "virtualizing" nuclear war through war games,...
Show moreIn one sense, the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 constitute the only nuclear war ever fought. Because of this, information on the wide breadth of topics pertinent to warfare—tactics, strategies, weapons effects, etc.—remained scant. In an effort to learn how to fight and win, and later to fight and survive, a nuclear war, the United States military, civil defense agencies, and the public more generally, undertook a project of "virtualizing" nuclear war through war games, civil defense exercises, film and television representations, and the act of live-fire atmospheric nuclear testing from 1945 to 1963. In this way, many small nuclear wars have been fought since 1945, in pieces, in slices, and in controlled environments that have provided a window onto the possible realities of the broader catastrophe of nuclear war.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Fall_Kinney_fsu_0071E_14823
Format: Thesis

Title: Reconstruction's Ghost: The Struggle for Racial Equality in Greater Albany.
Creator: Butler, Joshua W. (Josh William), Jones, Maxine Deloris, Montgomery, Maxine Lavon, Frank, Andrew, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Florida State University, College of Arts and...
Show moreButler, Joshua W. (Josh William), Jones, Maxine Deloris, Montgomery, Maxine Lavon, Frank, Andrew, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: Generations of Americans believe that black political activism materialized in the decades of the modern Civil Rights Movement. Since this overwhelming view prevails, the history of local African Americans who made a means of not giving into racism in spite of the violent and recalcitrant oppression that had existed since the days of slavery is often overlooked. But blacks fought for, and at times secured, small victories on an individual or community level, although setbacks and challenges...
Show moreGenerations of Americans believe that black political activism materialized in the decades of the modern Civil Rights Movement. Since this overwhelming view prevails, the history of local African Americans who made a means of not giving into racism in spite of the violent and recalcitrant oppression that had existed since the days of slavery is often overlooked. But blacks fought for, and at times secured, small victories on an individual or community level, although setbacks and challenges to those gains also occurred. The mis-impression that activism merely manifested itself in the days following either Emmitt Till’s murder or the Brown decision leaves generations of people missing, or erased, from the annals of history, and simply ignores the reality of making a movement on the ground. By expanding the parameters beyond the typical definition of the Civil Rights Movement, black activism from each successive generation after the Civil War emerges and provides a better understanding of race in America. Approaching the Southwest Georgia Movement through the lens of a longer evolving fight for racial equality, it becomes apparent that most of those involved were fighting against the ghost of Reconstruction. It was during this tumultuous episode that blacks had lost all gains garnered after the fall of the Confederacy (the Freedom Generation). Moreover, southerners found ways of restricting or erasing these liberties as the country transitioned into the Jim Crow era (the Terrorist Generation). The modern leaders, Martin Luther King, Jr. (MLK) and Ralph David Abernathy, for example, rose to prominence by fighting against these segregation statutes, but their ultimate goal was to reclaim many of the gains of Reconstruction (the Protest Generation).
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Date Issued: 2017
Identifier: FSU_SUMMER2017_Butler_fsu_0071E_13919
Format: Thesis

Title: Crawl Out through the Fallout?: Civil Defense, the Cold War, and American Memory.
Creator: Storey, Matthew Byrne, Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Creswell, Michael, Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Frequently dismissed in popular culture, "civil defense" conjures images of Bert the Turtle cheerfully retreating into his shell after a cartoon explosion. Though Bert's advice was meant for children, there were countless versions of the message geared towards an adult audience. Surely, some historians argue, such information was made available to the public out of a desire to make them feel safe when in reality there was nothing that they could do in the face of a nuclear attack on the...
Show moreFrequently dismissed in popular culture, "civil defense" conjures images of Bert the Turtle cheerfully retreating into his shell after a cartoon explosion. Though Bert's advice was meant for children, there were countless versions of the message geared towards an adult audience. Surely, some historians argue, such information was made available to the public out of a desire to make them feel safe when in reality there was nothing that they could do in the face of a nuclear attack on the United States. Such studies echo popular objections to civil defense of its day, which treated the issue with satire or even fatalism. Focusing initially on Florida, this thesis will explore the roots of contemporary views of civil defense, and argues that they arose out of fundamentally different narratives of survival between those working in civil defense and the general public. Furthermore, this thesis traces the development of both official and public narratives into contemporary cultural memory, where the fears and concerns surrounding civil defense have endured beyond the Cold War. I draw from the internal communications and after action reports of Florida's own civil defense agency, as well as their interactions with the national office of civil defense. These expressions of a practical narrative for surviving a nuclear war do not answer the concerns of the public. The American people were by far more occupied in trying to discern the nonmaterial costs of the civil defense program. In order to outline these concerns, I utilize primarily materials which would have been readily available to the public, especially newspapers and periodicals. These materials include reporting on the state of civil defense nationally speaking, as well as popular editorials and articles which entered the civil defense debate directly. In the third section, I approach cultural and collective memories through popular movies and novels. By comparing selected works of nuclear apocalyptic fiction from the 1950s and 1960s to more recent offerings, it becomes apparent that not only are the same fears at play, they have grown more intense with time, if anything. Though many now think of civil defense as a quaint reminder of a tense era gone by, the collective understanding of it that Americans expressed and acquired through popular culture indicate that it was anything but.
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Date Issued: 2017
Identifier: FSU_2017SP_Storey_fsu_0071N_13748
Format: Thesis

Title: The Fight Against 'Satan's Dominion': An Examination of Jesuit Missions in New France Through the Lens of the Jesuit Relations.
Creator: Moran, Adam Michael, Grant, Jonathan A., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Blaufarb, Rafe, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines the Jesuit mission to New France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The various sources of support and opposition are described using the lens of the massive set of primary documents preserved in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, translated and compiled under the direction of Reuben G. Thwaites between 1896 and 1901. The central argument of this thesis is that the Jesuit reductions of New France, where Amerindian converts of various tribes lived...
Show moreThis thesis examines the Jesuit mission to New France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The various sources of support and opposition are described using the lens of the massive set of primary documents preserved in The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, translated and compiled under the direction of Reuben G. Thwaites between 1896 and 1901. The central argument of this thesis is that the Jesuit reductions of New France, where Amerindian converts of various tribes lived together, acted as microcosms of the broader French-Canadian colonial milieu. Each of the sources of support and opposition for the Jesuit missions can be found in these reduction towns. This approach to the Jesuit missions in New France could also have a broader use for historians examining similar colonial contexts.
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Date Issued: 2017
Identifier: FSU_2017SP_Moran_fsu_0071N_13897
Format: Thesis

Title: The American Revolution Bicentennial in Florida State Authority, Grassroots Organizing, and the Creation of Memory and Patriotic Comemmoration.
Creator: Belcher, Breaden James, Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Frank, Andrew, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: The American Revolution Bicentennial in Florida: State Authority, Grassroots Organizing, and the Creation of Memory and Patriotic Commemoration examines the ways in which the national bicentennial was celebrated in Florida. Using a cultural historical approach, this thesis looks at how government officials, politicians, and private citizens constructed patriotic historical narratives during a time of heightened social and political divisiveness. Doing so illuminates the ways in which...
Show moreThe American Revolution Bicentennial in Florida: State Authority, Grassroots Organizing, and the Creation of Memory and Patriotic Commemoration examines the ways in which the national bicentennial was celebrated in Florida. Using a cultural historical approach, this thesis looks at how government officials, politicians, and private citizens constructed patriotic historical narratives during a time of heightened social and political divisiveness. Doing so illuminates the ways in which Floridians adapted consensus narratives of history to contemporary political needs. Furthermore, this thesis examines the legacy of the national bicentennial on the practice of patriotic commemoration and remembrance in the United States today. The records of the American Revolution Bicentennial Commission of Florida serve as the chief source of material for this thesis. These records are housed at the State Archives of Florida in Tallahassee, and include institutional records, American Revolution Bicentennial Administration literature, newspaper articles, and tourism brochures. Each of these pieces are vitally important to analyzing the dialectic of commemoration between government officials and the public throughout the 1970s.
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Date Issued: 2017
Identifier: FSU_2017SP_Belcher_fsu_0071N_13749
Format: Thesis

Title: The Gestapo, Critics, and Social Control Selective Enforcement in the Rhineland, 1933-1944.
Creator: Stackhouse, J. Ryan (John Ryan), Gellately, Robert, Stults, Brian J., Stoltzfus, Nathan, Williamson, George S., Creswell, Michael, Florida State University, College of Arts and...
Show moreStackhouse, J. Ryan (John Ryan), Gellately, Robert, Stults, Brian J., Stoltzfus, Nathan, Williamson, George S., Creswell, Michael, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: How did the Secret State Police (Gestapo) enforce laws governing opinion in Nazi Germany? This dissertation argues that lenience rather than terror defined the relationship between state and society for Germans who fit into the so-called racial community (Volksgemeinschaft). The work sheds new light on the Gestapo's changing role in the broader system of social control as well as its standard practices, decision making processes, and enforcement criteria when investigating different socio...
Show moreHow did the Secret State Police (Gestapo) enforce laws governing opinion in Nazi Germany? This dissertation argues that lenience rather than terror defined the relationship between state and society for Germans who fit into the so-called racial community (Volksgemeinschaft). The work sheds new light on the Gestapo's changing role in the broader system of social control as well as its standard practices, decision making processes, and enforcement criteria when investigating different socio-political groups. A statistically grounded system immanent analysis of 200 case files from government district Düsseldorf reveals that political police reserved arbitrary detention, surveillance, and torture to unravel networks of organized resistance. The Gestapo's initial reliance on terror against the underground communist party proved unsuited for policing society at large. New laws criminalizing all criticism meanwhile raised concerns about alienating support. The Gestapo, in cooperation with the Nazi Party and the judiciary, compensated with an explicit policy of selective enforcement. Authorities punished "subversives" and warned "supporters" based on perceptions of motive extrapolated from an evaluation of "political reliability" grounded in the concept of racial community. The Gestapo focused harsher forms of social control against "subversives" while reintegrating "otherwise upstanding" Germans with stern warnings to correct their "momentary weakness." The judiciary initially consulted with the Nazi Party on enforcement decisions, but police increasingly prescribed outcomes to state prosecutors after Himmler became Chief of German Police in June 1936 and issued warning independently after the declaration of war in September 1939. The Nazi Party assumed greater responsibility for investigating and warning critics after early 1943 with significantly harsher consequences in cases that filtered upward to political police thereafter. The regime thereby suppressed open discussion of political alternatives without risking backlash from blanket enforcement. The findings break with the view that pervasive terror defined life in Nazi Germany by demonstrating vastly different outcomes depending on the nature of criticism as well as the suspect's personal and political background. By exposing who experienced terror and who remained immune, the conclusions support recent scholarship that argues Hitler established and maintained power through consent and compromise rather than coercion of the social majority.
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Date Issued: 2017
Identifier: FSU_2017SP_Stackhouse_fsu_0071E_13928
Format: Thesis

Title: Southern Intrusions: Native Americans and Sovereignty in the Early Republic.
Creator: Miller, James Hendry, Frank, Andrew, Moore, Dennis D., Blaufarb, Rafe, Gray, Edward G., Jones, Maxine Deloris, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department...
Show moreMiller, James Hendry, Frank, Andrew, Moore, Dennis D., Blaufarb, Rafe, Gray, Edward G., Jones, Maxine Deloris, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: Southern Intrusions: Native Americans and Sovereignty in the Early Republic" examines the meaning and contests over power, authority, and state building in the American South. It contends that Native Americans turned to and then ultimately rejected national forms of power in the early nineteenth century. It investigates the various forms of trespass—defined here as incursions by unwanted people or property—that southeastern Indians confronted from roughly the 1790s through the 1830s. By...
Show moreSouthern Intrusions: Native Americans and Sovereignty in the Early Republic" examines the meaning and contests over power, authority, and state building in the American South. It contends that Native Americans turned to and then ultimately rejected national forms of power in the early nineteenth century. It investigates the various forms of trespass—defined here as incursions by unwanted people or property—that southeastern Indians confronted from roughly the 1790s through the 1830s. By examining these intrusions by broadly defined trespassers (government agents, travelers, free-range livestock, squatters, and military forces), "Southern Intrusions" investigates the ways that Native Americans defended their territorial integrity in the wake of an expanding United States. Despite cultural traditions that focused on local, town-level identity and political decision making, southeastern Indians began turning to emerging national entities to protect their sovereignty. At first, tribal nations negotiated with European and United States governments to define boundaries and establish diplomatic relations, but only with a limited mandate from constituent towns to keep unwanted outsiders out and protect territory. "Southern Intrusions" argues that these emerging Native nations lost the support of towns because they failed to do this. Some scholars suggest that southeastern Indians disdained thrusts towards centralized governments because they were incompatible with cultural norms focusing on local identity and autonomy. This project argues that southeastern Indians would have more readily accepted thrusts towards centralized authority if these emerging nations managed to keep intruders off of Native American land and maintain broader sovereignty. Instead, tribal governments acquiesced to land cessions to the United States and allowed trespassers to construct highways on and move through remaining lands. Further, tribal governments often proved ineffective in removing unlawful squatters from Native American lands. As a result, town leaders withdrew their support from tribal governments and insisted on local autonomy. To address the problems caused by trespassing outsiders, southeastern Indian town leaders and individuals resorted to violence and intimidation, hoping drive trespassers away. Unfortunately for southern Native Americans, this most often only resulted in United States diplomats and politicians seeking further land cessions. "Southern Intrusions" argues that towns and local leaders initially accepted, perhaps begrudgingly, centralized nations when they protected sovereignty, but rejected them and insisted on local power when they failed.
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Date Issued: 2017
Identifier: FSU_2017SP_Miller_fsu_0071E_13782
Format: Thesis

Title: Survival of Turkish Neutrality: The Role of U.S. Aid to Turkey in WWII.
Creator: Gungor, Hakan, Garretson, Peter P., Hanley, Will, Moore, Dennis D., Piehler, G. Kurt, Liebeskind, Claudia, Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and...
Show moreGungor, Hakan, Garretson, Peter P., Hanley, Will, Moore, Dennis D., Piehler, G. Kurt, Liebeskind, Claudia, Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: The United States' financial, diplomatic, and friendly relations with the Turkish government significantly contributed to the survival of Turkish Neutrality when faced with the Axis and Allies threat during the Second World War. The economic crisis in Turkey and the Axis and Allied Powers' pressure to join World War II put the survival of Turkish neutrality at stake. While the United States' support was invaluable to the Turkish neutrality, the Allies as well as the Jews benefitted...
Show moreThe United States' financial, diplomatic, and friendly relations with the Turkish government significantly contributed to the survival of Turkish Neutrality when faced with the Axis and Allies threat during the Second World War. The economic crisis in Turkey and the Axis and Allied Powers' pressure to join World War II put the survival of Turkish neutrality at stake. While the United States' support was invaluable to the Turkish neutrality, the Allies as well as the Jews benefitted geographically, militarily, and strategically from Turkish non-belligerency. The United States recognized that the Turkish neutrality and its military mobilization in wartime served the Allies' cause, especially during the dark days when Turkey stood between the Germans and the strategically vital oil resources and communication of routes of the Middle East. These mutual contributions have been largely overlooked in the historiography of the Second World War, as well as the scholarly works on Turkish-U.S. relations. Most often, historians associate Turkish-American relations with the Cold War, but they have overlooked active American-Turkish relations in WWII. Such relations are evident in the archival and printed primary sources. Tracing the contributions of the United States through Lend-Lease Act and international conferences, it became evident that the United States contribution was very important to the Turks to maintain their non-belligerency. However, it is also evident that the Turkish government greatly contributed to the Final Victory by containing the German aggression. Furthermore, it was the very essence of this neutral policy that enabled the Turks to rescue thousands of Jews from the Nazi Germany.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SP_Gungor_fsu_0071E_13123
Format: Thesis

Title: Rape in the American Civil War: The Effect of the Lieber Code Court Martial Trials.
Creator: McAllister, James Northcutt, Sinke, Suzanne M., Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Williamson, George S., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Rape had been a much feared, but rarely prosecuted consequence of war in the early history of the United States. Since America was relatively isolated from its enemies, and its soldiers usually interacted with non-Americans, this horrible consequence of war typically seemed distant or othered. When civil war broke out on American soil, it resulted in massive armies of young American men occupying cities populated by women and African-Americans. The consequences of this interaction made the...
Show moreRape had been a much feared, but rarely prosecuted consequence of war in the early history of the United States. Since America was relatively isolated from its enemies, and its soldiers usually interacted with non-Americans, this horrible consequence of war typically seemed distant or othered. When civil war broke out on American soil, it resulted in massive armies of young American men occupying cities populated by women and African-Americans. The consequences of this interaction made the Civil War an important time for the US Federal government to reconsider the rules of war. Public sentiment regarding the treatment of civilians – in particular women, and the legal status of African-Americans had been shifting towards one of increased protection and recognition, while at the same time the military shifted from a policy of conciliation to one of subjugation. The Lieber Code of 1863, which replaced the Articles of War from 1806, was the result of this shift in sentiment. The new code provided rules for court martial trials of soldiers accused of rape or sexual assault, regardless of the victim's race, and allowed for more vigorous military action with protections for civilians. These trials produced many results beyond strengthening the legal recognition of women and African-Americans. The Union and Confederate governments used the trials as propaganda for their own purposes. When the military governorship of Confederate states ended, many new pathways to power for African-American women ended as well.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SP_McAllister_fsu_0071N_13231
Format: Thesis

Title: The Cost of a Moral Army Masculinity and the Construction of a Respectable British Army 1850-1885.
Creator: Shipe, Jonathan Lee, Upchurch, Charles, Faulk, Barry J., Sinke, Suzanne M., Herrera, Robinson A., Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreShipe, Jonathan Lee, Upchurch, Charles, Faulk, Barry J., Sinke, Suzanne M., Herrera, Robinson A., Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: The Crimean War (1854-1856) followed quickly by the Indian Revolt (1857-1858) caused many civilians to become interested in the affairs of the army and the lives of soldiers. The increased visibility of the army created numerous calls for reform. Civilian moral reformers and government officials embarked on a project to create a more ‘respectable' army. This project was not teleological, nor was it voiced in a unified or always consistent manner. Furthermore, movements for moral reform...
Show moreThe Crimean War (1854-1856) followed quickly by the Indian Revolt (1857-1858) caused many civilians to become interested in the affairs of the army and the lives of soldiers. The increased visibility of the army created numerous calls for reform. Civilian moral reformers and government officials embarked on a project to create a more ‘respectable' army. This project was not teleological, nor was it voiced in a unified or always consistent manner. Furthermore, movements for moral reform consistently faced the realities of the financial constraints of the mid-Victorian Liberal State. The project was gendered, and it involved competing discourses of masculinity. This dissertation offers a thick description of key debates involving corporal punishment, soldiers' sexuality, the desirability/inability of soldiers to marry, and programs to assist their wives and children. It argues that one cannot understand the Victorian Army without considering what occurred in civilian society. These two worlds intersected and intertwined in numerous ways throughout the mid-nineteenth century.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SP_Shipe_fsu_0071E_13089
Format: Thesis

Title: ‘Our Bonaparte?’: Republicanism, Religion, and Paranoia in New England and the Mid-Atlantic, 1789-1830.
Creator: Luke, Tarah L. (Tarah Lorraine), Blaufarb, Rafe, Munro, Martin, Frank, Andrew, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Piehler, G. Kurt, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreLuke, Tarah L. (Tarah Lorraine), Blaufarb, Rafe, Munro, Martin, Frank, Andrew, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Piehler, G. Kurt, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: "‘Our Bonaparte’: Republicanism, Religion, and Paranoia in New England and the Mid-Atlantic, 1789-1830," examines how American politicians used the idea of Napoleon Bonaparte to reflect (or distort) contemporary political issues in the New England and Mid-Atlantic areas of the United States. It shows how Napoleon became a standard piece of political imagery to either support or attack specific political beliefs and opinions during the first three decades of the nineteenth century, depending...
Show more"‘Our Bonaparte’: Republicanism, Religion, and Paranoia in New England and the Mid-Atlantic, 1789-1830," examines how American politicians used the idea of Napoleon Bonaparte to reflect (or distort) contemporary political issues in the New England and Mid-Atlantic areas of the United States. It shows how Napoleon became a standard piece of political imagery to either support or attack specific political beliefs and opinions during the first three decades of the nineteenth century, depending on which political faction was discussing Bonaparte at the time.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_FA2016_Luke_fsu_0071E_13559
Format: Thesis

Title: Savior from Civilization: Charles Brent, Episcopal Bishop to the Philippine Islands, and the Role of Religion in American Colonialism, 1901-1918.
Creator: Ratcliffe, Jason C., Piehler, G. Kurt, Liebeskind, Claudia, Creswell, Michael, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This work explores first and foremost the nature of the Episcopal mission to the colonial Philippines from 1901 to 1918, while it was under the leadership of a missionary bishop named Charles Henry Brent. Missionaries, such as Brent, served an essential role in the American colonial enterprise in the Philippines. The historiography tends to label missionaries as cultural imperialists. Missionaries did not abstain from culturally imperialistic behavior. But, they also acted at times as...
Show moreThis work explores first and foremost the nature of the Episcopal mission to the colonial Philippines from 1901 to 1918, while it was under the leadership of a missionary bishop named Charles Henry Brent. Missionaries, such as Brent, served an essential role in the American colonial enterprise in the Philippines. The historiography tends to label missionaries as cultural imperialists. Missionaries did not abstain from culturally imperialistic behavior. But, they also acted at times as protectors of Philippine culture. How could missionaries act both as imperialists and attempt to preserve native culture in the Philippines? Contrary to the theories of some historians, missionaries did not see their actions as contradictory, but as complimentary. The reason for this: ideology. Missionaries defined their purpose based not on the motives of the Philippine Commission—the American governing body in the islands—but on their own theology. Brent and his mission will be used as a prominent example, a microcosm, to prove this point. The three chapters within focus on ideology and theology as the primary motivators for characters within this narrative. The first chapter looks at the American people and the U.S. government, tracing the development of racially and religiously motivated feelings toward the Philippines and the Filipinos. The chapter then turns to missionaries and traces both their theological and their ideological reasons for going to the Philippines. Just as with the American people and the American government, racial and religious reasoning urged missionaries to go to the Philippines. While a large part of the missionary justification for proselyting in the Philippines was the existence of a minority of non-Christians in the archipelago, upon arrival in the islands Protestant missionaries primarily focused on the conversion of Roman Catholic Filipinos. This chapter highlights the motivations of the U.S. government and the Philippine Commission, and compares them with those of the Protestant missionaries. The second chapter turns to Brent's mission. As ideology is essential to this narrative, this chapter is an exploration of his theological and ideological motivations. The chapter underscores Brent's one focus above all others in the Philippines. He wanted to save the non-Christians, especially the Igorots—an animist group in Northern Luzon—from what he referred to as the concomitants of civilization. Believing that civilization was being ushered into the Philippines by the American presence in the islands, Brent felt that non-Christians needed to be protected from the concomitants, or vices, that would inevitably come along with civilization. In essence, he wanted to be their savior from civilization. Brent felt that the Igorots did not need Christianity while in isolation, their religion would suit their needs. But, now that they would no longer be isolated, Christianity was all that could save them from succumbing to vice. When work among the Igorots lost Brent's interest, he transferred these same feelings to the Moros—the Muslim community in the Philippines—determining to help prepare them for Christianization. The two other groups that Brent's mission targeted, the Americans stationed in the islands and the Chinese population in Manila, while important in their own right, received attention from Brent partly because of the influence they had on the Igorots and the Moros. Chapter Two illustrates how Brent's theology and ideology led him to create a unique mission. It focuses on his ecumenism, views on morality and vice, and his belief in responsibility. The third chapter builds on the foundation laid in Chapter Two. Detailing the four sections of Brent's mission, Chapter Three demonstrates that the theological concern that drove Brent was his desire to save the non-Christian Filipinos from civilization. It illustrates that the policies implemented by Brent in each part of his mission, show a consistent concern for the "heathen" and saving him from vice through his Christianization. The chapter simultaneously proves that these efforts sometimes aligned with those of the Philippine Commission, aiding them in their goals. But, it also is clear that Brent occasionally redirected not only the Philippine Commission, but also the U.S. government, pushing them to help accomplish his agenda. This provides a picture of the relationship between the missionary and the colonial enterprise. It was complex. The missionary often had his own motives, and acted independently. He was also a crucial part of the American presence in the Philippines, making a large contribution to the American operation in the islands.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_FA2016_Ratcliffe_fsu_0071N_13614
Format: Thesis

Title: A Certain Kind of Southern: Authenticity at Public History Sites in Florida and Georgia.
Creator: Worley, Elizabeth Dean, Sinke, Suzanne M., Frank, Andrew, Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of...
Show moreWorley, Elizabeth Dean, Sinke, Suzanne M., Frank, Andrew, Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Jones, Maxine Deloris, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: Steven Conn recently argued that as museums change from warehouses of artifacts focused on public instruction to a different model of education by engagement, their emphasis on objects will become less necessary. This dissertation directly engages with that idea and argues that for many local museums objects mean as much as they ever did, maybe even more. My idea, the “currency of authenticity,” builds on two strands of scholarship. One that traces the increasing commodification of history....
Show moreSteven Conn recently argued that as museums change from warehouses of artifacts focused on public instruction to a different model of education by engagement, their emphasis on objects will become less necessary. This dissertation directly engages with that idea and argues that for many local museums objects mean as much as they ever did, maybe even more. My idea, the “currency of authenticity,” builds on two strands of scholarship. One that traces the increasing commodification of history. The other that local museums are just as worthy of study as national institutions. Specifically, I analyze how smaller museums use material culture to convince their audience that their textual narrative and/or oral interpretation is just as truthful as its objects. Using institutional records, newspapers, and oral histories, this dissertation examines how the Stephen Foster Museum and Florida Folk Festival, both in White Springs, Florida, and the Georgia Museum of Agriculture and Historic Village portray aspects of Southern culture. Each of these places emphasizes different qualities, objects, or ideas as they construct their own brand of authenticity. Simultaneously, these places also all emphasize their own kind of Southern identity, unique to their regions and the people they want to represent. Their exhibits demonstrate that Southern heritage is vast, complex, and more diverse than some people understand.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SU_Worley_fsu_0071E_13452
Format: Thesis

Title: Lazima Tushinde Bila Shaka: H. Rap Brown and the Politics of Revolution.
Creator: Cable, John H. (John Henry), Jones, Maxine Deloris, Mooney, Katherine Carmines, Herrera, Robinson A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This thesis explores the politics of Black Power leader H. Rap Brown through a genealogical materialist lens. I argue that by addressing class and race as inextricably-bound systems of oppression, Brown synthesized competing ideological strains, the existence of which had long divided black radicals. His anti-capitalist, anti-racist vision located the key ingredients of revolutionary ideology in the experiential knowledge of dispossessed people (of whom he considered black Americans to be the...
Show moreThis thesis explores the politics of Black Power leader H. Rap Brown through a genealogical materialist lens. I argue that by addressing class and race as inextricably-bound systems of oppression, Brown synthesized competing ideological strains, the existence of which had long divided black radicals. His anti-capitalist, anti-racist vision located the key ingredients of revolutionary ideology in the experiential knowledge of dispossessed people (of whom he considered black Americans to be the vanguard). As chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, he honed his analysis in a heated political environment characterized by factionalism, violence, paranoia, and state repression. Such factors are taken into account as I seek to contextualize and historicize Brown’s views.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_FA2016_Cable_fsu_0071N_13663
Format: Thesis

Title: "Point at One, Abuse Another": Framing WWII in Chinese and Japanese Middle School Textbooks, 1950-1990.
Creator: Shi, Huaqing, Culver, Annika A., Buhrman, Kristina Mairi, Liebeskind, Claudia, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: The recent two decades have witnessed a developing historical debate between China and Japan. Standing in the center of this debate are different historical interpretations presented in textbooks. Both China and Japan seem to blame each other for promoting supposedly politically-biased historical education. This has become a growing problem causing wide concerns even internationally: on the one hand, there is an increasing debate about the supposed existence of "Anti-Japanese" education in...
Show moreThe recent two decades have witnessed a developing historical debate between China and Japan. Standing in the center of this debate are different historical interpretations presented in textbooks. Both China and Japan seem to blame each other for promoting supposedly politically-biased historical education. This has become a growing problem causing wide concerns even internationally: on the one hand, there is an increasing debate about the supposed existence of "Anti-Japanese" education in China since the last decade of 20th century; on the other, many scholars from China, Japan and the Western world also criticize what they see as a distorted (or omitted) history of the war presented in Japanese textbooks. According to the "framing" theories introduced by scholars such as Foucault, Giltin, Gamson, and Modigliani in the late 20th century, history textbooks, just like media, could "organize the world" both for authors who wrote them and students who rely on them. There are many skills in framing history in textbooks and one of them is the skill of "pointing at one [to] abuse another." Using a specific technique to analyze the interplays between changing politics and educational narratives surrounding World War II (which began in China in 1937) in Chinese and Japanese middle school textbooks during a certain period: 1950-1990, the paper aims to discover the history of changing narratives about World War II in both Chinese and Japanese middle school history textbooks and how they interacted with politics over time.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SP_Shi_fsu_0071N_13252
Format: Thesis

Title: Manufactured Science, the Attorneys' Handmaiden: The Influence of Lawyers in Toxc Substance Disease Research.
Creator: Biegel, Craig Alex, Doel, Ronald Edmund, Wise, Sherwood W., Jones, James Pickett, Creswell, Michael, Harper, Kristine, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreBiegel, Craig Alex, Doel, Ronald Edmund, Wise, Sherwood W., Jones, James Pickett, Creswell, Michael, Harper, Kristine, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: Since the early twentieth century, manufacturers and distributors of toxic products have sought to discredit research linking their products with disease. At the same time they conducted research designed to demonstrate minimal risks associated with their products. Much of this activity came about by or through corporate retained attorneys, whose endeavors are the subject of this dissertation. Such attorney involvement has allowed for shielding undesired results through the court-sanctioned...
Show moreSince the early twentieth century, manufacturers and distributors of toxic products have sought to discredit research linking their products with disease. At the same time they conducted research designed to demonstrate minimal risks associated with their products. Much of this activity came about by or through corporate retained attorneys, whose endeavors are the subject of this dissertation. Such attorney involvement has allowed for shielding undesired results through the court-sanctioned attorney right to secrecy. In many cases, this legal participation and even management of medical research has changed the topography of the medical literature, distorting it toward the null hypothesis for disease potential of the subject materials. This is because attorneys, whether they are defense or plaintiff, only sought credible evidence for their position at trial or in regulatory practice, not the advancement of science. Furthermore, the distortion is primarily one-sided, toward the defense of toxic substances. This results from the virtually unlimited financial backing defense lawyers have from large corporations, while plaintiff counsel are almost uniformly reluctant to spend their own money. To date, only limited historical accounts about this attorney effort have been published, largely because of the veil of secrecy created by attorney privileges. This dissertation seeks to look behind the veil to examine the full range of legal activities in case studies of five substances—silica, tobacco, asbestos, chromium, and benzene. These activities include lawyers identifying, hiring, and controlling experts, preparing contracts for research that limited public disclosure, managing research, editing final research papers, harassing opposing experts, and manipulating regulations and workers' compensation laws. This lifting of the veil is possible primarily through disclosures found in bankruptcies and legal proceedings, assets not normally considered by historians of science. The activities of lawyers in manufacturing science had varying degrees of success as they evolved over the course of a century. During the early decades of the twentieth century, attorneys were largely successful in limiting victims' recovery for silicosis and keeping it out of the public eye. Similarly, at first, cigarette and asbestos product manufacturers were successful in limiting litigation's effect on the bottom line. However, a growing number of public health advocates and plaintiff attorneys brought these controversies increasingly into the public legal arena, resulting in massive settlements by the tobacco companies and bankruptcies of many asbestos product manufacturers. The settlements and bankruptcies also provided a treasure trove of documents, many of which detailed extensive involvement of lawyers in the manipulation of medical research. To date, chromium and benzene manufacturers, as well as certain asbestos product manufacturers, have been more successful in limiting damage through lawsuits and regulations. In part this is because of the newest evolution in research tactics. During the last two decades of the twentieth century, "Litigation Support Firms" began undertaking an increasing amount of the attorney-managed research. These companies worked hand in hand with attorneys, as they transformed the peer reviewed medical literature on toxic substances by publishing carefully structured industry friendly research (and reviews of past research) in peer-reviewed, but often industry controlled, journals. Even when researchers have been free to publish their findings, the approval was often subject to final approval of a report exclusively provided to the client. Thus, the public articles rarely disclosed any hazard. On occasion the researchers published the same data in slightly altered forms in two to four publications, thus slanting the entire balance of the peer review literature. Attorney involvement in medical research is a fundamental problem in the production of medical knowledge. The ability to hide and manipulate science has delayed recognition of hazards such as silica, tobacco, asbestos, chromium, and benzene by decades. Today, it continues to skew the understanding of toxic substance diseases.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SP_Biegel_fsu_0071E_13080
Format: Thesis

Title: Beyond Assimilation, Before Nationalism: Reformist Ulama and the Constantine Riots of 1934.
Creator: Easterbrook, Rachel Margaret, Hanley, Will, Liebeskind, Claudia, Treacy, Corbin, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines the outbreak of violence between Muslims and Jews in the city of Constantine in August 1934. What has been termed a riot or a pogrom was, for the reformist ulama arguing for association with the French colonial state, a tragic rupture in the colonial civic order. By examining the Arabic and French language rhetoric of the ulama in the aftermath of the violence, one can elucidate not only the sociopolitical context of the riots, but also the political agenda of the...
Show moreThis thesis examines the outbreak of violence between Muslims and Jews in the city of Constantine in August 1934. What has been termed a riot or a pogrom was, for the reformist ulama arguing for association with the French colonial state, a tragic rupture in the colonial civic order. By examining the Arabic and French language rhetoric of the ulama in the aftermath of the violence, one can elucidate not only the sociopolitical context of the riots, but also the political agenda of the reformist ulama. Their attempts to rationalize the violence and avert culpability from the Muslim population of Constantine should not be understood as evidence of their inchoate Arab nationalism and latent anti-Semitism. Rather, their rhetoric revealed the historical and political underpinnings of their reformist platform, which was rooted in a conception of Algerian history galvanized by wider narratives of Islamic reform. Thus the reformers believed that for Algerian Muslims, the French themselves and their Jewish neighbors were not their enemies but rather their allies. Their enemies were ignorance itself and the alleged propagators of such ignorance, those who practiced and promulgated sufi Islam, which the reformers saw as antithetical to modernity and progress. But in August 1934, Constantine's Muslims perpetrated attacks against these ostensible allies, and the reformist ulama were left to rationalize this transgression in the wake of the riots. An analysis of this rhetoric reconstructs the politics of belonging at play in the interwar period, deepening our historical understanding of the evolution of the platform of the reformist ulama, many of whom in 1934 still imagined a positive future for French Algeria.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SP_Easterbrook_fsu_0071N_13227
Format: Thesis

Title: The Bridge to Victory: The Iranian Crisis and the Birth of the Cold War.
Creator: Harper, Benjamin F. (Benjamin Frederick), Souva, Mark A., Hanley, Will, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Frank, Andrew, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of...
Show moreHarper, Benjamin F. (Benjamin Frederick), Souva, Mark A., Hanley, Will, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Frank, Andrew, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This work examines the Iranian Crisis of 1946 and its active role in shaping the Cold War that followed. It is intended to serve as a case study of how the United States was able to successfully flex its short-lived atomic monopoly and achieve its international objectives in the early postwar era by means of direct engagement with so-called "peripheral actors." This writing engages with the robust academic field of U.S. foreign relations that over the past number of years revisited and...
Show moreThis work examines the Iranian Crisis of 1946 and its active role in shaping the Cold War that followed. It is intended to serve as a case study of how the United States was able to successfully flex its short-lived atomic monopoly and achieve its international objectives in the early postwar era by means of direct engagement with so-called "peripheral actors." This writing engages with the robust academic field of U.S. foreign relations that over the past number of years revisited and reimagined the origins and driving forces of the Cold War. My own international archival research and comparative historiographical analysis supports the growing synthesis of the field, and it has led me to argue the importance of peripheral actors, and specifically Iran, in establishing the Cold War system. The claims that Soviet expansionism or American economic agendas were the sole agitants behind the emergence of the decades-long struggle no longer satisfies in lieu of the new materials and analytical approaches now available. While the Russians and the British jockeyed for positions of leadership within wartime-occupied Iran, the United States was welcomed into the region by many Iranians as a potential balancing force and check on European imperialism. The Soviet Union's violation of a troop withdrawal agreement at the conclusion of the Second World War, coupled with its active support of Kurdish and Azeri separatist movements, aggressively tested the new and evolving international order. The primary objective of this work is to understand how the international community, in this case led by the United States, the Soviet Union, Iran, and the newly-formed United Nations, achieved a relatively peaceful withdrawal of Soviet forces from Iranian territory. I contend that: 1) Iran possessed, due to its wartime role and latent economic potential, a degree of leverage in negotiations with the United States and Russia that other nations did not; 2) that the Iranian prime minister, Ahmad Qavām, shrewdly manipulated both superpowers with his own brand of masterful statecraft while pursuing his own "Iran-centric" objectives; 3) that the United States used its preponderance of military, economic, and diplomatic might to effectively achieve its postwar aims; and 4) the primary actors in the crisis solidified the legitimacy of the United Nations and its Security Council, which had previously been in jeopardy. The Iranian Crisis presents a challenge to those scholars who present models premised on a rigid Cold War binarism, while it seemingly strengthens the case of those scholars who take account of other actors when assessing power dynamics and the ability of the superpowers to implement their will. Evidence indicates that Prime Minister Qavām was one of the principal figures behind the peaceful resolution of this matter. Representing a "third-party" force outside of Europe, Qavām skillfully used the tools he had at his disposal to transform the foreign policies of the superpowers while advancing his own country's agenda. Qavām would not have taken the bold risks that he did – which included offering highly sought after oil concessions to Soviet leaders while deftly wrapping them in legalistic parlance and damning requirements – unless he was positive that the United States would stand behind him militarily, economically, and politically, even if doing so risked the continuation and perhaps escalation of global conflict. While lesser known than the Berlin Airlift or the Korean War or the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Iranian Crisis revealed for the first time what a superpower clash might look like. This event provides a stunning example of crisis management by the primary participants. The Iranian Crisis was indeed the birth of the Cold War, and it established a model for state actions during and after this long conflict. The Crisis also provides a powerful example of how third-party entities outside of Europe, despite possessing relatively meager military and economic might, had the ability to alter and occasionally manipulate superpower behavior.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2017SP_Harper_fsu_0071E_13566
Format: Thesis

Title: Schlieffen, Politics, and Strategy: The Influence of Civil-Military Relations on Germany Military Strategy, 1890-1914.
Creator: Bieber, Jason, Creswell, Michael, Souva, Mark A., Grant, Jonathan A., Williamson, George S., Piehler, G. Kurt, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department...
Show moreBieber, Jason, Creswell, Michael, Souva, Mark A., Grant, Jonathan A., Williamson, George S., Piehler, G. Kurt, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: In 1905, Germany's chief of the General Staff, Alfred von Schlieffen crafted the "Schlieffen Plan" in an effort to solve what he saw as the civil-military and strategic problems then facing the country. It was an ambitious strategic plan intended to surround and defeat the French army through a decisive campaign in northern France. Beyond the plan's operational details, Schlieffen also called for political and fiscal changes that he believed were necessary in order to achieve military victory...
Show moreIn 1905, Germany's chief of the General Staff, Alfred von Schlieffen crafted the "Schlieffen Plan" in an effort to solve what he saw as the civil-military and strategic problems then facing the country. It was an ambitious strategic plan intended to surround and defeat the French army through a decisive campaign in northern France. Beyond the plan's operational details, Schlieffen also called for political and fiscal changes that he believed were necessary in order to achieve military victory. These changes, however, entailed sweeping military and political reforms that would dramatically change the political makeup of the German government and its taxation structure. Despite these efforts, Schlieffen and his successors failed to solve the problem they faced in regards to civil-military relations, strategic planning, and army funding. Specifically, the civilian and military spheres of the German state rarely coordinated policy and strategy. This lack of sustained coordination between the two spheres helped to create many of the conditions that led to the creation of the Schlieffen Plan and the eventual failure of the German army in the Great War. The army's political inability to present a unified front in support of the Schlieffen Plan left it internally weak, and vulnerable to later French and Russian counterattacks, and ultimately defeat at the Battle of the Marne in 1914.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2017SP_Bieber_fsu_0071E_13673
Format: Thesis

Title: “Laborers Together with God”: Civilian Public Service and Public Health in the South during World War II.
Creator: Tomlinson, Angela E., Jones, Maxine Deloris, Montgomery, Maxine L., Jones, James Pickett, Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreTomlinson, Angela E., Jones, Maxine Deloris, Montgomery, Maxine L., Jones, James Pickett, Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: During World War II, the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940 required conscientious objectors (COs) who opposed any form of military service to perform "work of national importance under civilian direction." The program that carried out this alternative service was the Civilian Public Service (CPS), in which approximately 12,000 pacifists served at 151 camps established across the nation during the war. Some of those camps were in Florida and Mississippi, where CPS men worked with...
Show moreDuring World War II, the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940 required conscientious objectors (COs) who opposed any form of military service to perform "work of national importance under civilian direction." The program that carried out this alternative service was the Civilian Public Service (CPS), in which approximately 12,000 pacifists served at 151 camps established across the nation during the war. Some of those camps were in Florida and Mississippi, where CPS men worked with state and local public health authorities to combat diseases that plagued the South's poor, including hookworm and malaria. Though an advance over previous options for COs, CPS was not always well-received, by either the American people or the men who served within it. This dissertation will examine the camps in Florida and Mississippi to assess the success (or lack thereof) of the CPS alternative service program during the war, and also to explore the larger question of how well the United States upholds and protects the right of its citizens (particularly, nonconformist citizens) during a time of national crisis.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: FSU_2015fall_Tomlinson_fsu_0071E_12875
Format: Thesis

Title: Emancipating the American Spirit: Renaissance and Reconstruction in New England, 1845-1877.
Creator: Shubitz, Scott M., Jumonville, Neil, Frank, Andrew, Porterfield, Amanda, Gray, Edward G., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreShubitz, Scott M., Jumonville, Neil, Frank, Andrew, Porterfield, Amanda, Gray, Edward G., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: The abolition of slavery during the American Civil War did not end the antislavery ambitions of many liberal Christian reformers. As four million African American slaves transitioned from bondage to freedom, Unitarian and other Christian reformers knew that their work was far from complete. Initially motivated by a desire to establish a new spiritual world on Earth, the reformers in this study immediately realized that freeing African slaves hardly eliminated sin and injustice from the United...
Show moreThe abolition of slavery during the American Civil War did not end the antislavery ambitions of many liberal Christian reformers. As four million African American slaves transitioned from bondage to freedom, Unitarian and other Christian reformers knew that their work was far from complete. Initially motivated by a desire to establish a new spiritual world on Earth, the reformers in this study immediately realized that freeing African slaves hardly eliminated sin and injustice from the United States. As a result, they parlayed their energies into a new movement to emancipate the soul of the nation. In this continuation of the anti-slavery movement, spiritual abolitionists turned their attention to breaking down sectarianism, fighting orthodoxy, and legitimizing religious heterodoxy in the post-Civil War America. If they could eliminate doctrinal and organizational divisions between the various Christian sects, these reformers believed that they could usher in an era of free thought and religious tolerance; and if they could rid the nation of "spiritual slavery" and establish a "free religion," they would witness unprecedented freedom and prosperity in the newly reunited nation. This study shows that the reciprocal influence of abolitionism and liberal religion on each other culminated in a vibrant spiritual abolitionist movement aimed at reforming American spiritual life and promoting tolerance, legitimizing heterodox beliefs, and undermining the Protestant consensus that characterized American spiritual life during the antebellum period. Throughout the mid-to-late 1860s the individuals in this study who had cut their teeth as social reformers in the abolitionist movement or had at least been influenced by antislavery thought, used the rhetoric and approach of the antislavery movement to further the goals of liberal religion. These emerging spiritual abolitionists engaged in an effort to abolish what they termed "spiritual slavery"—a concept that has never had a full-length study devoted to it. Spiritual abolitionists conceived of spiritual slavery as a type of bondage, manifested through religious dogma, orthodoxy, and doctrine, that restricted human freedom. Spiritual abolitionists eschewed the orthodoxy and literalism that proslavery advocates had embraced during the antebellum to legitimate the institution of slavery. Spiritual slavery, like physical slavery, was simply a manifestation of hierarchy and authority that limited human free will and free thought. Spiritual slavery itself had real and concrete negative social repercussions, as it manifested in society in the form of ignorance, cruelty, and the suppression of heterodox beliefs. Spiritual abolitionists believed that without emancipating the human spirit and intellect from spiritual slavery, humanity would continue to be shackled by the chains of slavery. The Civil War and the abolition of chattel slavery were pivotal in the emergence of spiritual abolitionism. For spiritual abolitionists, the end of the Civil War represented a millennial moment which signaled the coming destruction of all forms of slavery. The end of the war and the defeat of the Confederacy closed a period of human history epitomized by slavery and brutality, and heralded a new epoch characterized by freedom and humaneness. In this view, the period following the war would be one of not just economic and political reconstruction, but of spiritual and intellectual reconstruction. The nation, reunited after the division of political sectionalism, would be further united with a triumph over religious sectarianism and denominationalism and of religious bigotry and intolerance. In 1865, spiritual abolitionists quickly went to work to achieve the end their new emancipationism. Using the language of abolitionism to further the cause of liberal religion, spiritual abolitionists devoted their energies to building institutions and establishing the framework for reforming American spiritual life. The largest organization dedicated to spiritual abolitionism was the Free Religious Association. The Free Religious Association, envisioned as a spiritual antislavery society, was founded in 1867 by Unitarians, Transcendentalists, and other liberal religionists who had been influenced by abolitionism. But the Free Religious Association was just one way of promoting spiritual and intellectual reform in Reconstruction era America. By connecting spiritual reformers throughout the nation, disseminating knowledge, and establishing a number of periodicals, reformers in this study helped spread spiritual abolitionism and promote religious pluralism and tolerance in postwar America.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: FSU_2015fall_Shubitz_fsu_0071E_12876
Format: Thesis

Title: Theophilanthropy: Civil Religion and Secularization in the French Revolution.
Creator: Deverse, Jonathan Douglas, McMahon, Darrin M., Blaufarb, Rafe, Kavka, Martin, Williamson, George S., Grant, Jonathan A., Doel, Ronald Edmund, Florida State University, College...
Show moreDeverse, Jonathan Douglas, McMahon, Darrin M., Blaufarb, Rafe, Kavka, Martin, Williamson, George S., Grant, Jonathan A., Doel, Ronald Edmund, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This dissertation examines how the implementation of Enlightenment ideas in the French Revolution gave birth to a new secular conception of the state and the invention of a new religion. I argue that Jean-Jacques Rousseau, representing shared assumptions across the Enlightenment, interpreted religion to be a human construct and thus subject to human intervention. With the onset of 1789 revolutionaries employed this conception to reorganize the Gallican Church and institute the radical Cults...
Show moreThis dissertation examines how the implementation of Enlightenment ideas in the French Revolution gave birth to a new secular conception of the state and the invention of a new religion. I argue that Jean-Jacques Rousseau, representing shared assumptions across the Enlightenment, interpreted religion to be a human construct and thus subject to human intervention. With the onset of 1789 revolutionaries employed this conception to reorganize the Gallican Church and institute the radical Cults of Reason and the Supreme Being. When these endeavors failed revolutionaries refocused on two solutions: the secular laws of 1795 and Theophilanthropy. Revolutionary secularization separated Church and state and confined worship to the private sphere. Consequently Theophilanthropy acquired an independent status and the Revolution acted as a catalyst for the invention of a new religion based on Enlightenment principles. This study explores how Theophilanthropy stood at the foundation of French secularization, modern civil religion and subsequent New Religious Movements (NRM). The historical significance of Theophilanthropy was critical in its own time and bequeathed a legacy that long outlasted the Revolution.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: FSU_2015fall_Deverse_fsu_0071E_12862
Format: Thesis

Title: Cut from Different Cloth: The USS Constitution and the American Frigate Fleet.
Creator: Byington, Richard Brownlow, Blaufarb, Rafe, Ward, Candace, Grant, Jonathan A., Jones, Maxine Deloris, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences,...
Show moreByington, Richard Brownlow, Blaufarb, Rafe, Ward, Candace, Grant, Jonathan A., Jones, Maxine Deloris, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: The historiography of the early American navy and, more definitively, the USS Constitution's role in American consciousness revolve around the valorous acts associated with the naval engagement between the Constitution and the HMS Guerriere during the War of 1812. The basis for this mass public appeal was presented, disseminated, and perpetuated by historians, journalists, and popular writers. Paralleling historical and popular works, the public perception of the Constitution and the prowess...
Show moreThe historiography of the early American navy and, more definitively, the USS Constitution's role in American consciousness revolve around the valorous acts associated with the naval engagement between the Constitution and the HMS Guerriere during the War of 1812. The basis for this mass public appeal was presented, disseminated, and perpetuated by historians, journalists, and popular writers. Paralleling historical and popular works, the public perception of the Constitution and the prowess of America's frigate fleet as a whole subsequently rose to dizzying heights after the War of 1812—based on the evidence emanating from a single naval engagement that lasted just over half an hour. This work seeks to examine how the Constitution ascended to such great military heights when all the odds were against American naval hegemony following the Revolutionary War. By comparing and contrasting naval correspondence, captain's logs, and ship records associated with America's original frigate fleet, a better sense of the collective biographies of the six frigates will be achieved; and, in the process, lend greater perspective to the history of the early American Navy. The methodology of this dissertation is to view the American Navy through the lens of the captains, officers, and crew that served on the Constitution. While this study looks to add insight into naval development by comparing and contrasting each of the original six American frigates, the USS Constitution is at the center of the investigation. This is a case study that utilizes the Constitution as a means to view and balance the successes and failures of the early American Navy.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: FSU_2015fall_Byington_fsu_0071E_12858
Format: Thesis

Title: Cool but Correct: Humanitarian Discourse and the US Justification for Intervention in Chile.
Creator: Forehand, Kristen D., Department of History
Abstract/Description: Intervening to supposedly protect human rights constitutes a potent justification for foreign involvement, but how humanitarian discourse became critical to the United States' (US) foreign policy remains poorly studied. I argue that humanitarian discourse, while present in the Spanish-American War of 1898, became essential to the US during the Cold War. Rationalizing the 1973 overthrow of the democratically elected socialist Chilean President Salvador Allende, the US relied on anticommunist...
Show moreIntervening to supposedly protect human rights constitutes a potent justification for foreign involvement, but how humanitarian discourse became critical to the United States' (US) foreign policy remains poorly studied. I argue that humanitarian discourse, while present in the Spanish-American War of 1898, became essential to the US during the Cold War. Rationalizing the 1973 overthrow of the democratically elected socialist Chilean President Salvador Allende, the US relied on anticommunist rhetoric joined with accusations that Allende violated Chileans' rights. However, the overthrow led to a brutal dictatorship. Thus, the thesis interrogates primary sources such as declassified government documents, speeches, memoirs, films, murals and music to discover hidden meanings. It employs the methodology of subaltern history as articulated by Ranajit Guha to investigate sources contrapuntally. Therefore, the thesis sheds light on the vaguely understood connection between imperialism and humanitarian intervention. The thesis utilizes a theoretical prism informed by Walter Benjamin, Slavoj Žižek and David Smith to understand how language can justify humanitarian intervention. Finally, the thesis adds to Latin American history and the history humanitarian intervention, specifically the scholarly works of Peter Kornbluh, Steve J. Stern and James Peck. I argue that the US manufactured rhetoric to gain approval for policies that would have otherwise been opposed. Following the Cold War, anticommunist justifications for intervention became less prevalent. However, humanitarian discourse continues. In many cases, the language becomes a façade for less noble reasons to intervene. Thus, Chile continues to provide a model for intervention in the name of protecting human rights.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: FSU_migr_uhm-0556
Format: Thesis

Title: The Power of Memory and Manipulation in Anglo-Norman England: Symeon, St. Cuthbert, and Durham Cathedra.
Creator: Sauer, Michelle L., Department of History
Abstract/Description: Cultural memory is the collective perception of a group on their own history, and the way in which remembrance and emphasis of specific elements of that history build the identity of a culture. The formation and alteration of cultural memory throughout history has become an important area of interest in the field of history, as this building of identity and memory informs how cultures operate and view themselves to this day. English memory has been built and changed throughout time by various...
Show moreCultural memory is the collective perception of a group on their own history, and the way in which remembrance and emphasis of specific elements of that history build the identity of a culture. The formation and alteration of cultural memory throughout history has become an important area of interest in the field of history, as this building of identity and memory informs how cultures operate and view themselves to this day. English memory has been built and changed throughout time by various invading groups, and has contributed to the enduring legacy of the British people that exists to this day. This project seeks to examine the ways in which the cultural memory of the Anglo-Saxon people was altered after the Norman Invasion through historical propaganda, particularly the writings of Symeon of Durham, and the building of Durham Cathedral. Symeon, a Norman monk in Durham, is a figure who shows the power of memory in the middle ages, as he effectively rewrote the history of the monks who came before him, giving the new Norman population of Durham an imagined history of themselves in that place. The Normans also built Durham Cathedral as a way to consolidate power and legitimize their reign through an emphasized devotion to the religious scene in Durham. Through analysis of historical documents and religious art used as a means of political and religious manipulation by the Normans, this thesis examines the pre-Norman cultural memory of Durham and delves into the ways that perception changed to include the Normans and merge the two groups into one.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: FSU_migr_uhm-0563
Format: Thesis

Title: Debating and Defining: Historical Memory and America's Reaction to the French Revolution.
Creator: Diskin, Harrison M., Department of History
Abstract/Description: Beginning in 1789, Americans reacted to the French Revolution with the vociferous passion of a people whose very identity was at stake. Indeed this was precisely the case, for in the face of a new definition of revolution emanating from France, Americans were forced to confront the fragility and mutability of the legacy of their own. American supporters of the French Revolution therefore both consciously and unconsciously redefined the terms of their own revolution in a manner which...
Show moreBeginning in 1789, Americans reacted to the French Revolution with the vociferous passion of a people whose very identity was at stake. Indeed this was precisely the case, for in the face of a new definition of revolution emanating from France, Americans were forced to confront the fragility and mutability of the legacy of their own. American supporters of the French Revolution therefore both consciously and unconsciously redefined the terms of their own revolution in a manner which functioned to destabilize the foundations of the nascent country still struggling to survive, while those who spoke and wrote against the French did so in an effort to reassert what they considered as having been their Revolution's original terms.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: FSU_migr_uhm-0571
Format: Thesis

Theses and Dissertations (279)	+ -
Undergraduate Honors Theses (13)	+ -
Digitized Theses and Dissertations (1)	+ -

History (287)	+ -
Study and teaching (17)	+ -
Gender expression (7)	+ -
Gender identity (7)	+ -
Military history (7)	+ -

United States (7)	+ -
African Americans (5)	+ -
Religions (5)	+ -
Civilization (4)	+ -
Intellectual life (4)	+ -
Political science (4)	+ -
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