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Title: Robert Douglas: American Missionary in the Cold War Middle East.
Creator: Parker, William R. (William Riley), Hanley, Will, McClive, Catherine Elisabeth, Özok-Gündoğan, Nilay, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Robert Douglas was a Church of Christ missionary to Libya, Egypt, and Lebanon during the 1960s. Traveling during this period introduced Douglas to the reality of post-colonial context of the countries. He and his family lived as foreigners and missionaries in these countries, interacting with the American oil industry in Libya, Egyptian and Arab nationalism, and the impact of the Cold War on the Arab World. Although Douglas did not notice the Cold War around him, it impacted his time there in...
Show moreRobert Douglas was a Church of Christ missionary to Libya, Egypt, and Lebanon during the 1960s. Traveling during this period introduced Douglas to the reality of post-colonial context of the countries. He and his family lived as foreigners and missionaries in these countries, interacting with the American oil industry in Libya, Egyptian and Arab nationalism, and the impact of the Cold War on the Arab World. Although Douglas did not notice the Cold War around him, it impacted his time there in important ways. In all his travels, the United States and the Soviet Union struggled to gain influence over the young countries in which he resided. His religiosity encouraged him to travel to these countries under false pretenses. In Libya he could come in as a preacher to the American and British oil workers in Benghazi, but desired to be a missionary, while in Egypt he and his family came in as tourists and had to renew these visas but created a steady congregation of converts through missionary efforts. Both actions were illegal, due to laws in Libya and Egypt, and these laws led to the retraction of he and his family’s visas. He made his way to Lebanon where he constructed a missions’ school for recent converts. The Six Days’ War led to his leaving Lebanon and returning to the United States. Upon his return, he attended Fuller Seminary and the University of Southern California and became regarded as an expert in Muslim-aimed evangelism among Protestant evangelicals. His career challenges standard missionary narratives through his independent missionary activities, highlights American understandings and misconceptions of Islam, and the reality of the Cold War in the Middle East. All of this makes his journey into a historical narrative to challenge and address the larger macrohistories for American Christian missionaries abroad.
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Date Issued: 2019
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Parker_fsu_0071N_15196
Format: Thesis

Title: Tempered Inclusion: Syrian-Lebanese and Armenian Immigrants and Progressive Era Policy Making, 1894-1924.
Creator: Soash, Richard E., Koslow, Jennifer Lisa, Edwards, Leigh H., Sinke, Suzanne M., Garretson, Peter P., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: Taken as a whole, the progressive reformers who interacted with Syrian-Lebanese and Armenian immigrants generally tried to help, rather than hinder, the two peoples as they began to adjust to life in the United States. Many of the same reformers who sought to aid the two groups were strong nativists who disliked southern and eastern European immigrants’ occupational and political choices and considered Asian immigrants too “alien” to assimilate into the United States. Yet several self...
Show moreTaken as a whole, the progressive reformers who interacted with Syrian-Lebanese and Armenian immigrants generally tried to help, rather than hinder, the two peoples as they began to adjust to life in the United States. Many of the same reformers who sought to aid the two groups were strong nativists who disliked southern and eastern European immigrants’ occupational and political choices and considered Asian immigrants too “alien” to assimilate into the United States. Yet several self-described progressives – both pluralists who accepted most ethnic groups and xenophobes who feared and detested the majority of immigrants – helped the Syrian-Lebanese and Armenians in a variety of ways. They helped the immigrants find employment in the United States. They defended the two groups as “White” and therefore as eligible to become U.S. citizens. And, when passing discriminatory legislation against immigrants from the Asian continent, progressives in Congress carved out exceptions for the two groups. When officials create immigration policy, they are drawing legal lines of inclusion and exclusion. Sometimes the divide falls along the lines of ideology, other times the line is drawn to separate groups of people by geography, class, or religion. As policy-makers work through this process, their biases can have a dramatic effect on immigrants’ lives. The Syrian-Lebanese and Armenians understood the importance of emphasizing the ways in which their socio-economic characteristics aligned with the socio-economic preferences of the era’s policy-makers. This dissertation interrogates the apparent contradiction of progressive nativists advocating in favor of Syrian-Lebanese and Armenian immigrants. By doing so, this work illustrates the intricacies of progressive era policy-making and the far-reaching impact that obscure Congressmen, a lame-duck Senator, and officials buried deep within the federal bureaucracy could have on the lives of everyday individuals trying to navigate life in their new country.
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Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2018_Su_Soash_fsu_0071E_14528
Format: Thesis

Title: Nationalism, Modernization and the "Woman Question" in the Late Ottoman Empire and the Early Turkish Republic from the Perspective of the "Ideal/New Turkish Women".
Creator: Sonmez Poyraz, Sebahat, Garretson, Peter P., Johnson, David F. (David Frame), Hanley, Will, Dupuigrenet Desroussilles, François, Florida State University, College of Arts and...
Show moreSonmez Poyraz, Sebahat, Garretson, Peter P., Johnson, David F. (David Frame), Hanley, Will, Dupuigrenet Desroussilles, François, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Program in Interdisciplinary Humanities
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Abstract/Description: The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the complex and multidimensional relationship of women to the idea of nations and nationalism. In particular, it seeks answers to the following questions: What did nationalism mean to women? How did they imagine the nation? How did they respond to the gendered nationalist discourses? How did they exercise their agency as social actors in the nation building project? With an inquiry of such questions, this study challenges the perception of the ...
Show moreThe purpose of this dissertation is to explore the complex and multidimensional relationship of women to the idea of nations and nationalism. In particular, it seeks answers to the following questions: What did nationalism mean to women? How did they imagine the nation? How did they respond to the gendered nationalist discourses? How did they exercise their agency as social actors in the nation building project? With an inquiry of such questions, this study challenges the perception of the “woman question” as “a struggle in which male protagonists engaged each other while women remained surprisingly passive onlookers.” This study rather explores the dialectical relationship between woman-as-objects, who have been discussed and portrayed as a static, homogenous form within nationalist discourses, and woman-as-subjects who actively participated in constructing and/or contesting nationalist discourses while tracing the continuities and discontinues in nationalist discourse. In other words, this study lets female intellectuals speak in their own terms and in their historical contexts. In order to do so, this study concentrates on two pioneer female intellectuals who were actively involved in constructing national identity in the late Ottoman Empire and the early Turkish Republic: Halide Edib [Adıvar] (1884-1964), a novelist, an activist, and an ardent nationalist who also took part in the Turkish War of Independence (1919-1923), and Ayşe Afet [İnan] (1908-1985), one of the adopted daughters of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the first female historian of the Turkish Republic, and the ideologue of Kemalist master narrative.
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Date Issued: 2017
Identifier: FSU_FALL2017_SonmezPoyraz_fsu_0071E_13846
Format: Thesis

Title: Survival of Turkish Neutrality: The Role of U.S. Aid to Turkey in WWII.
Creator: Gungor, Hakan, Garretson, Peter P., Hanley, Will, Moore, Dennis D., Piehler, G. Kurt, Liebeskind, Claudia, Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and...
Show moreGungor, Hakan, Garretson, Peter P., Hanley, Will, Moore, Dennis D., Piehler, G. Kurt, Liebeskind, Claudia, Grant, Jonathan A., Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: The United States' financial, diplomatic, and friendly relations with the Turkish government significantly contributed to the survival of Turkish Neutrality when faced with the Axis and Allies threat during the Second World War. The economic crisis in Turkey and the Axis and Allied Powers' pressure to join World War II put the survival of Turkish neutrality at stake. While the United States' support was invaluable to the Turkish neutrality, the Allies as well as the Jews benefitted...
Show moreThe United States' financial, diplomatic, and friendly relations with the Turkish government significantly contributed to the survival of Turkish Neutrality when faced with the Axis and Allies threat during the Second World War. The economic crisis in Turkey and the Axis and Allied Powers' pressure to join World War II put the survival of Turkish neutrality at stake. While the United States' support was invaluable to the Turkish neutrality, the Allies as well as the Jews benefitted geographically, militarily, and strategically from Turkish non-belligerency. The United States recognized that the Turkish neutrality and its military mobilization in wartime served the Allies' cause, especially during the dark days when Turkey stood between the Germans and the strategically vital oil resources and communication of routes of the Middle East. These mutual contributions have been largely overlooked in the historiography of the Second World War, as well as the scholarly works on Turkish-U.S. relations. Most often, historians associate Turkish-American relations with the Cold War, but they have overlooked active American-Turkish relations in WWII. Such relations are evident in the archival and printed primary sources. Tracing the contributions of the United States through Lend-Lease Act and international conferences, it became evident that the United States contribution was very important to the Turks to maintain their non-belligerency. However, it is also evident that the Turkish government greatly contributed to the Final Victory by containing the German aggression. Furthermore, it was the very essence of this neutral policy that enabled the Turks to rescue thousands of Jews from the Nazi Germany.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SP_Gungor_fsu_0071E_13123
Format: Thesis

Title: Beyond Assimilation, Before Nationalism: Reformist Ulama and the Constantine Riots of 1934.
Creator: Easterbrook, Rachel Margaret, Hanley, Will, Liebeskind, Claudia, Treacy, Corbin, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines the outbreak of violence between Muslims and Jews in the city of Constantine in August 1934. What has been termed a riot or a pogrom was, for the reformist ulama arguing for association with the French colonial state, a tragic rupture in the colonial civic order. By examining the Arabic and French language rhetoric of the ulama in the aftermath of the violence, one can elucidate not only the sociopolitical context of the riots, but also the political agenda of the...
Show moreThis thesis examines the outbreak of violence between Muslims and Jews in the city of Constantine in August 1934. What has been termed a riot or a pogrom was, for the reformist ulama arguing for association with the French colonial state, a tragic rupture in the colonial civic order. By examining the Arabic and French language rhetoric of the ulama in the aftermath of the violence, one can elucidate not only the sociopolitical context of the riots, but also the political agenda of the reformist ulama. Their attempts to rationalize the violence and avert culpability from the Muslim population of Constantine should not be understood as evidence of their inchoate Arab nationalism and latent anti-Semitism. Rather, their rhetoric revealed the historical and political underpinnings of their reformist platform, which was rooted in a conception of Algerian history galvanized by wider narratives of Islamic reform. Thus the reformers believed that for Algerian Muslims, the French themselves and their Jewish neighbors were not their enemies but rather their allies. Their enemies were ignorance itself and the alleged propagators of such ignorance, those who practiced and promulgated sufi Islam, which the reformers saw as antithetical to modernity and progress. But in August 1934, Constantine's Muslims perpetrated attacks against these ostensible allies, and the reformist ulama were left to rationalize this transgression in the wake of the riots. An analysis of this rhetoric reconstructs the politics of belonging at play in the interwar period, deepening our historical understanding of the evolution of the platform of the reformist ulama, many of whom in 1934 still imagined a positive future for French Algeria.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2016SP_Easterbrook_fsu_0071N_13227
Format: Thesis

Title: The Bridge to Victory: The Iranian Crisis and the Birth of the Cold War.
Creator: Harper, Benjamin F. (Benjamin Frederick), Souva, Mark A., Hanley, Will, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Frank, Andrew, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of...
Show moreHarper, Benjamin F. (Benjamin Frederick), Souva, Mark A., Hanley, Will, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Frank, Andrew, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
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Abstract/Description: This work examines the Iranian Crisis of 1946 and its active role in shaping the Cold War that followed. It is intended to serve as a case study of how the United States was able to successfully flex its short-lived atomic monopoly and achieve its international objectives in the early postwar era by means of direct engagement with so-called "peripheral actors." This writing engages with the robust academic field of U.S. foreign relations that over the past number of years revisited and...
Show moreThis work examines the Iranian Crisis of 1946 and its active role in shaping the Cold War that followed. It is intended to serve as a case study of how the United States was able to successfully flex its short-lived atomic monopoly and achieve its international objectives in the early postwar era by means of direct engagement with so-called "peripheral actors." This writing engages with the robust academic field of U.S. foreign relations that over the past number of years revisited and reimagined the origins and driving forces of the Cold War. My own international archival research and comparative historiographical analysis supports the growing synthesis of the field, and it has led me to argue the importance of peripheral actors, and specifically Iran, in establishing the Cold War system. The claims that Soviet expansionism or American economic agendas were the sole agitants behind the emergence of the decades-long struggle no longer satisfies in lieu of the new materials and analytical approaches now available. While the Russians and the British jockeyed for positions of leadership within wartime-occupied Iran, the United States was welcomed into the region by many Iranians as a potential balancing force and check on European imperialism. The Soviet Union's violation of a troop withdrawal agreement at the conclusion of the Second World War, coupled with its active support of Kurdish and Azeri separatist movements, aggressively tested the new and evolving international order. The primary objective of this work is to understand how the international community, in this case led by the United States, the Soviet Union, Iran, and the newly-formed United Nations, achieved a relatively peaceful withdrawal of Soviet forces from Iranian territory. I contend that: 1) Iran possessed, due to its wartime role and latent economic potential, a degree of leverage in negotiations with the United States and Russia that other nations did not; 2) that the Iranian prime minister, Ahmad Qavām, shrewdly manipulated both superpowers with his own brand of masterful statecraft while pursuing his own "Iran-centric" objectives; 3) that the United States used its preponderance of military, economic, and diplomatic might to effectively achieve its postwar aims; and 4) the primary actors in the crisis solidified the legitimacy of the United Nations and its Security Council, which had previously been in jeopardy. The Iranian Crisis presents a challenge to those scholars who present models premised on a rigid Cold War binarism, while it seemingly strengthens the case of those scholars who take account of other actors when assessing power dynamics and the ability of the superpowers to implement their will. Evidence indicates that Prime Minister Qavām was one of the principal figures behind the peaceful resolution of this matter. Representing a "third-party" force outside of Europe, Qavām skillfully used the tools he had at his disposal to transform the foreign policies of the superpowers while advancing his own country's agenda. Qavām would not have taken the bold risks that he did – which included offering highly sought after oil concessions to Soviet leaders while deftly wrapping them in legalistic parlance and damning requirements – unless he was positive that the United States would stand behind him militarily, economically, and politically, even if doing so risked the continuation and perhaps escalation of global conflict. While lesser known than the Berlin Airlift or the Korean War or the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Iranian Crisis revealed for the first time what a superpower clash might look like. This event provides a stunning example of crisis management by the primary participants. The Iranian Crisis was indeed the birth of the Cold War, and it established a model for state actions during and after this long conflict. The Crisis also provides a powerful example of how third-party entities outside of Europe, despite possessing relatively meager military and economic might, had the ability to alter and occasionally manipulate superpower behavior.
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Date Issued: 2016
Identifier: FSU_2017SP_Harper_fsu_0071E_13566
Format: Thesis

Title: Historical Writing in the Hijazī Nahda: The Writings of Muhibb Al-Din Al-Khatib as a Vehicle for the Modern.
Creator: Holmes, Phillip C., Program in Middle Eastern Studies
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines the position of the Hijazi Nahda in the intellectual history of the Middle East by analyzing how historical writing shaped the character of the Arab Revolt and the Hashemite state. Examining the Hijazi newspaper al-Qibla and the writings of its chief editor Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, this thesis explores how the discipline of history developed within the medium of print in the Hijaz and how that development influenced notions of citizenship, law, rights, and religion....
Show moreThis thesis examines the position of the Hijazi Nahda in the intellectual history of the Middle East by analyzing how historical writing shaped the character of the Arab Revolt and the Hashemite state. Examining the Hijazi newspaper al-Qibla and the writings of its chief editor Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, this thesis explores how the discipline of history developed within the medium of print in the Hijaz and how that development influenced notions of citizenship, law, rights, and religion. Historical writing in al-Qibla increasingly became a sign for the modern and defined how perceptions of time and space were understood within its readership while altering the nature of authority, legitimacy, and statehood. This thesis argues that the Hijazi Nahda remained the only movement focused upon the nation-state model and shows how that orientation influenced the development of historical writing within the Hijaz.
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Date Issued: 2015
Identifier: FSU_migr_uhm-0547
Format: Thesis

Title: Controlling Influence: The Development and Function of Labor Law in Saudi Arabia.
Creator: Balcer, Jordan, Hanley, Will, Gaiser, Adam R., Beaumont, Paul M., Florida State University, College of Social Sciences and Public Policy, Program in International Affairs
Abstract/Description: Saudi Arabia has long been held as one of the largest oil producers in the world with a vast amount of wealth. The country's meteoric rise to their current status can be attributed to the development of its oil fields by an American company that gained virtual control over the economy of a fledgling nation. This situation prompted the country to establish a codified Labor Law, which gradually gave control back to the State. In this project the 1969 Labor and Workmen Code will be examined as...
Show moreSaudi Arabia has long been held as one of the largest oil producers in the world with a vast amount of wealth. The country's meteoric rise to their current status can be attributed to the development of its oil fields by an American company that gained virtual control over the economy of a fledgling nation. This situation prompted the country to establish a codified Labor Law, which gradually gave control back to the State. In this project the 1969 Labor and Workmen Code will be examined as well as the factors that caused its creation and prompted its continued evolution to its current form. This thesis explores the factors to why it was necessary for the Saudi Arabian Government to create a codified labor law and abandon Sharia (Islamic Law) in commercial matters, in addition to how the state currently uses the law to keep a firm grasp on its natural resources. The lessons learned from the American-led ARAMCO period (1938-1980) were included in the law, thus creating a turning point in Saud Arabian history that allowed the government to reclaim control of its economy. Many sources will be used in this thesis but the most substantial is the Labor and Workmen Law because it contains specific provisions that were enacted to curb American influence. Translated sources from the Saudi Ministry of Labor and the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency are also used to highlight the current form of the law as well as many secondary sources bolster the argument that the Saudi Arabian Government established a Labor Code that would ensure a reduction of American hegemony while also making the state the sole influence in labor and commercial matters.
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Date Issued: 2014
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-9134
Format: Thesis

Title: Sovereignty, Religion, and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs ) in Sudan, with a focus on the Nuba Mountains.
Creator: Marks, Madison, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This thesis addresses the causes and consequences of displacement in Sudan. By focusing on the themes of sovereignty and religion throughout Sudanese history, the complex challenges of the long-standing Sudanese conflict become apparent. This is clear through a focus on the Nuba Mountains. Colonial rule had a direct impact in shaping contrasting visions for the future of a sovereign Sudanese state. After Sudan's independence in 1956, the question over the fusion or separation of religion and...
Show moreThis thesis addresses the causes and consequences of displacement in Sudan. By focusing on the themes of sovereignty and religion throughout Sudanese history, the complex challenges of the long-standing Sudanese conflict become apparent. This is clear through a focus on the Nuba Mountains. Colonial rule had a direct impact in shaping contrasting visions for the future of a sovereign Sudanese state. After Sudan's independence in 1956, the question over the fusion or separation of religion and state contributed to two devastating civil wars, resulting in the death of two million and displacement of four million. According to the concept of Sovereignty as Responsibility, a state's sovereignty depends upon its protection for the rights and wellbeing of its people. The Sudanese government has engaged in direct assaults against its own people, and has prevented humanitarian assessment missions and relief personnel from responding to affected populations. This model of regime-induced displacement has posed many questions regarding the best methods for protection of IDPs when their rights are being violated or threatened by their sovereign. This thesis also provides an analysis of the hopeful prospects for future protection of IDPs in Africa through increased regional accountability and placing the rights of the individual over the state. This thesis provides a framework for future conversations among international stakeholders, humanitarian aid organizations, civil society groups, academics, media personnel, and Sudanese to discuss the impacts of sovereignty and religion on displacement in Sudan. Moreover, this thesis seeks to fill a gap in research on the Nuba Mountains.
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Date Issued: 2013
Identifier: FSU_migr_uhm-0151
Format: Thesis

Title: Collectivism, Communication, and Cultural Conflict: The Dialogical Acculturation of Christian Egyptians in the Diaspora.
Creator: Bishai, Sally, Jordan-Jackson, Felecia, McDowell, Stephen, Garretson, Peter, Houck, Davis, School of Communication Science and Disorders, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Many Egyptians—hyphenated and not—have begun to publicly articulate their struggles with identity confusion, collectivist clash, and communication incapability; these (and similar) issues have, in fact, taken center-stage in both Arabic-language and bilingual (English/Arabic, Arabic/French, etc.) media outlets. The dissertation's two general purposes were, therefore, to: 1) Expand the dialogical model of acculturation (DM), and 2) Discover current cultural climates common among Christians in...
Show moreMany Egyptians—hyphenated and not—have begun to publicly articulate their struggles with identity confusion, collectivist clash, and communication incapability; these (and similar) issues have, in fact, taken center-stage in both Arabic-language and bilingual (English/Arabic, Arabic/French, etc.) media outlets. The dissertation's two general purposes were, therefore, to: 1) Expand the dialogical model of acculturation (DM), and 2) Discover current cultural climates common among Christians in Egypt and in the diaspora—regardless of where they were born and raised. The general purposes were divided into three narrower goals, including: 1) An exploration of the acculturation strategies of Christian Egyptians, 2) An understanding of current attitudes, anxieties, and/or "dreams" held by Christian Egyptians (living in Egypt or the diaspora), as well as 3) A discovery of participants' manifestations of the dialogical model of acculturation through an examination of three communication dimensions (Identification, Cultural Orientation, and Communication Style). These goals were, in part, accomplished by asking three main research questions (one of them divided into two segments): RQ1—What are the acculturation strategies that Egyptian Christians in Egypt and the diaspora use to negotiate their identities? RQ2a—What are some of the positive (goals, wishes, desires, "dreams"), negative ("cultural anxieties," conflicts, tensions) and/or neutral issues in the lives of Christian Egyptians in Egypt and the diaspora? RQ2b—How do Christian Egyptians in Egypt and the diaspora negotiate any tensions or conflicts associated with their own desires and/or cultural anxieties? RQ3—How is the dialogical model of acculturation manifested in Christian Egyptians in Egypt and the diaspora with respect to the "three communication dimensions" (Identification, Cultural Orientation, and Communication Style)? The questions were investigated through descriptive questionnaires administered online, and qualitative interviews that were either administered online (synchronously and asynchronously) or conducted face-to-face and video-taped, while the review of online blogs from eight bloggers (one Coptic Orthodox, seven Egyptian Muslim) provided additional insights, achieving validity through corroboration and triangulation.
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Date Issued: 2010
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-3732
Format: Thesis

Title: A Cargo of Islamic Ceramics from the Eighteenth-Century Sadana Island Shipwreck in the Red Sea: Typology, Form and Function of Qulal and Other Shapes.
Creator: Braun, Kathy J., Ward, Cheryl A., Marrinan, Rochelle A., Pullen, Daniel J., Department of Anthropology, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Study of the eighteenth-century Sadana Island ship and the cargo it was transporting is an opportunity to add to our understanding of Ottoman-era Muslim seafaring. The Sadana Island shipwreck was explored by Cheryl Ward during excavation seasons in 1995, 1996, and 1998 with INA-Egypt and with the cooperation of the Egyptian authorities. Of four vessels of similar size and with similar cargo complements which have been located in the northern Red Sea, the only accessible site with substantial...
Show moreStudy of the eighteenth-century Sadana Island ship and the cargo it was transporting is an opportunity to add to our understanding of Ottoman-era Muslim seafaring. The Sadana Island shipwreck was explored by Cheryl Ward during excavation seasons in 1995, 1996, and 1998 with INA-Egypt and with the cooperation of the Egyptian authorities. Of four vessels of similar size and with similar cargo complements which have been located in the northern Red Sea, the only accessible site with substantial hull remains is the Sadana Island shipwreck. The qulal assemblage excavated from the Sadana Island shipwreck was one component of the main cargo of an Islamic trading vessel northward bound toward Cairo and the Suez. Unlike luxurious Chinese porcelains, earthenware water jars are representative of daily life for Middle Eastern families of the time. Needed by every household, the jars were used, broken, and replaced regularly. This constant demand made qulal a good choice for the trading vessel to load and a good product for potters to manufacture. This thesis is an attempt to catalog, type, and compare these previously unstudied vessels in order to understand their place within the Sadana Island shipwreck and the culture in which they were a part.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-3089
Format: Thesis

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