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Title: No Easy Occupation: French Control Of The German Saar, 1944-1957.
Creator: Creswell, Michael H.
Date Issued: 2018-06-01
Identifier: FSU_libsubv1_wos_000432794500020
Format: Citation

Title: Petty Despots and Executive Officials: Civil Military Relations in the Early American Navy.
Creator: Sheppard, Thomas, Hadden, Sally, Creswell, Michael, Jones, James, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: As a new nation, the United States lacked the long naval traditions of the other powers of the time, particularly Great Britain. When Congress created a naval force in 1794, the country had to rely on its first officers to form the traditions of the service and lay the foundations of the American Navy. These first officers bequeathed to their country the naval force that would eventually challenge the mighty Royal Navy in the War of 1812. However, officers alone were not responsible for the...
Show moreAs a new nation, the United States lacked the long naval traditions of the other powers of the time, particularly Great Britain. When Congress created a naval force in 1794, the country had to rely on its first officers to form the traditions of the service and lay the foundations of the American Navy. These first officers bequeathed to their country the naval force that would eventually challenge the mighty Royal Navy in the War of 1812. However, officers alone were not responsible for the maturation of the Navy. Civilian officials, notably the Secretary of the Navy, also played a major role in the development of an American maritime force. These two components did not always interact harmoniously. Captains, used to the total autonomy that command at sea in an era of starkly limited communication created, often had difficulty subordinating themselves to their civilian superiors. During the first three decades of the Navy's existence, successive Secretaries of the Navy would gradually increase their authority over their officers, establishing the traditions of civilian control over the military that had long been a part of land warfare. This thesis explores the process whereby the question of ultimate authority over the Navy was settled, beginning with the creation of the navy and culminating in the creation of the Board of Naval Commissioners following the War of 1812.
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Date Issued: 2010
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-0312
Format: Thesis

Title: Failing to Prepare or Preparing to Fail?: the Iraqi and American Armies Between 1991 and 2003.
Creator: Drury, John Jacob, Garretson, Peter, Creswell, Michael, Souva, Mark, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The Iraqi and American armies made changes in the wake of the 1991 Gulf War, but they made those changes within the constraints imposed upon them by their political overseers and their own political cultures. Unlike other works regarding the conflicts between Iraq and the United States, which are often historical narratives of the wars themselves, this paper is a comparative analysis of the changes made and the effects they would eventually have on the two states' respective performances in...
Show moreThe Iraqi and American armies made changes in the wake of the 1991 Gulf War, but they made those changes within the constraints imposed upon them by their political overseers and their own political cultures. Unlike other works regarding the conflicts between Iraq and the United States, which are often historical narratives of the wars themselves, this paper is a comparative analysis of the changes made and the effects they would eventually have on the two states' respective performances in 2003. The Iraqi Army was badly hindered by Saddam Hussein's belief that they represented a threat to him. This suspicion caused the Iraqi dictator to form multiple rival services that competed with the Iraqi Army for men, equipment, and funding. Saddam also promoted on the basis of perceived loyalty, dismissing competent officers as threats to his power. Finally, the U.N.-imposed sanctions prevented Iraq from replacing destroyed or dilapidated weapons. The United States Army, in contrast, engaged in an expensive effort to correct perceived flaws in its force structure. At the same time, due to budget cuts, the United States Army had to find ways to perform the same duties with fewer resources. It did so using two paths. First, it attempted to modify its equipment and force structure in order to provide soldiers with firepower that would previously have been available only to larger units. Second, it made increased use of private contractors in an effort to free uniformed soldiers for combat duties. In the end, neither Iraq nor the United States was fully prepared for the war in 2003. Iraq's forces were designed with internal security in mind; repelling an external enemy as powerful as the United States proved to be beyond their capabilities. The United States Army was fully capable and prepared for the initial campaign against the Iraqi Army, but it found itself unable to control the subsequent outburst of civil strife.
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Date Issued: 2011
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-0657
Format: Thesis

Title: The Role of U.S. Women Diplomats Between 1945 and 2004.
Creator: Beckett, Rachel Jane, Sinke, Suzanne, Upchurch, Charles, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Though historical scholarship on gender and international relations has grown over the last few decades, there has been little work done on women in the Foreign Service. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the role of women diplomats within the Foreign Service since 1945 and to examine how gender differences related to the low numbers of women within the field during a time when women's representation in other male-dominated fields increased substantially. The study is divided...
Show moreThough historical scholarship on gender and international relations has grown over the last few decades, there has been little work done on women in the Foreign Service. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the role of women diplomats within the Foreign Service since 1945 and to examine how gender differences related to the low numbers of women within the field during a time when women's representation in other male-dominated fields increased substantially. The study is divided into three chapters that focus on determining how certain factors affected women's marginalization within the field. The first chapter examines the basic statistics of the women diplomats. Chapter two explores the policies of other countries towards accepting female diplomats, and the last chapter investigates how women conducted foreign policy and carried out the goals of the administration. The conclusion provides an analysis of the findings of all three areas and how they relate to women's access to fields both within and outside politics.
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Date Issued: 2009
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1178
Format: Thesis

Title: Popular Perceptions of the American Merchant Marine during World War II.
Creator: Waber, Andrew J., Koslow, Jennifer, Oldson, William, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The United States Merchant Marine played a pivotal role in the successful conclusion of the World War II and suffered the highest casualty rate of any branch of the Armed Forces. Often labeled as draft dodgers, profiteers, Communists, slackers, and anti-authority, the Merchant Marine's connections with the maritime unions attracted much criticism. The unions rather than the Merchant Marine were the intended targets of most negative press. Yet there was also a great deal of positive images of...
Show moreThe United States Merchant Marine played a pivotal role in the successful conclusion of the World War II and suffered the highest casualty rate of any branch of the Armed Forces. Often labeled as draft dodgers, profiteers, Communists, slackers, and anti-authority, the Merchant Marine's connections with the maritime unions attracted much criticism. The unions rather than the Merchant Marine were the intended targets of most negative press. Yet there was also a great deal of positive images of seamen. Primary sources such as government documents, newspapers, popular magazines, movies, and literature contain a wide variety of perceptions on the Merchant Marine. The purpose of this study is to explore both the accuracy and the origins of these perceptions.
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Date Issued: 2008
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1434
Format: Thesis

Title: British Concentration Camps of the Second South African War (The Transvaal, 1900-1902).
Creator: Scott, John L., Upchurch, Charles, Betten, Neil, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The Second South African War of 1899-1902 was fought for multiple reasons, ranging from the recent discovery of gold in the Transvaal to British trade relationships with the Germans in West Africa. Central to the road to war was the preservation of the British Empire in South Africa and the upholding of the prestige of the British Army. The war was fought between about 450,000 British, Colonial and native soldiers against an Afrikaner (Boer) and native force numbering about 78,000 combatants,...
Show moreThe Second South African War of 1899-1902 was fought for multiple reasons, ranging from the recent discovery of gold in the Transvaal to British trade relationships with the Germans in West Africa. Central to the road to war was the preservation of the British Empire in South Africa and the upholding of the prestige of the British Army. The war was fought between about 450,000 British, Colonial and native soldiers against an Afrikaner (Boer) and native force numbering about 78,000 combatants, with thousands of native Africans pressed into service on both sides. Despite early losses in conventional battles to Boer forces, the British were able by mid-1900 to invade and occupy the Boer capitals, leading the Boers to resort to guerilla tactics. The British response was a three-pronged strategy: first, destroying the areas where the Boer mounted commandos operated and pursuing the Boers with mobile columns; secondly, building lines of blockhouses and concertina wire across the wide open plains (veldt) to limit Boer mobility; and third, forcibly removing the Boer and African noncombatants from their destroyed farms and kraals into concentration camps. This thesis examines the British concentration camps and seeks to establish who was responsible for them; what were the conditions were like inside of them, and why almost 50,000 noncombatants, both black and white, died in the camps during a period of about two years. These questions are explored through the use of official camp records, government reports and personal accounts from a wide range of involved individuals. Most studies of the camps have concentrated on the effects of camp conditions and diseases. This study not only examines these themes, but looks beyond them into the headquarters of Lord Roberts, the man who established the camps, and reviews the decisions of Lord Kitchener the general who was in charge of the camps when the horrendous deaths occurred. This study also exposes the complicity of the British government's civilian officials who turned deaf ears to the escalating tragedy and withheld the extent of the humanitarian crisis from the British population. It was Emily Hobhouse, a British subject, who courageously brought the plight of the Boers and natives to the attention of the British and world opinion, and caused changes to be made which undoubtedly saved thousands of lives. The findings of this study place the blame for the 50,000 camp deaths squarely on the British leadership. Generals gave orders to destroy Boer farms and native kraals on the veldt, and incarcerated destitute families in camps with poor medical and sanitary conditions and little food. Rations were used as a weapon, and withheld from those families whose husbands were still fighting. British decisions caused the deaths of thousands of innocent people, both black and white, with the majority of the victims being children. It was an arrogant and racially motivated approach to the treatment of the Boers and natives alike that spawned the Generals' indifference to the dying women, old men, and children. This study concludes it was the inept and uncaring senior leadership of the British Army, coupled with the "hands off" approach of the British government that led England to implement a program comparable to contemporary notions of ethnic cleansing, taking Britain at the dawn of the twentieth century, to the edge of the abyss of genocide.
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Date Issued: 2007
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1977
Format: Thesis

Title: Rearguard of the Confederacy: The Second Florida Infantry Regiment.
Creator: Turner, Shane M., Grant, Jonathan, Green, Elna, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Among the popular Confederate accounts of the America Civil War, the men who served in the Army of Northern Virginia occupy positions of special celebrity and admiration. In print, on stage, in song, and on screen, the experiences of leaders and ordinary men who served in that army have attained almost mythological status. So many books have been published telling the histories of the men and units of that army that one might be led to falsely conclude that all the stories that are worth...
Show moreAmong the popular Confederate accounts of the America Civil War, the men who served in the Army of Northern Virginia occupy positions of special celebrity and admiration. In print, on stage, in song, and on screen, the experiences of leaders and ordinary men who served in that army have attained almost mythological status. So many books have been published telling the histories of the men and units of that army that one might be led to falsely conclude that all the stories that are worth telling have already been told. Such is not the case. Both lay and professional historians have, in the more than 140 years since the end of the conflict, produced new interpretations and published yet-untold stories every year. Yet, much remains to tell. One such story is that of the Second Florida Infantry Regiment. From the spring of 1861, when the regiment was formed, until the spring of 1865, when it surrendered, the men of the regiment had endured four full years of military life. They underwent discipline and chaos, slumber and sleep deprivation, abundance and hunger, and living and dying together. The Second Florida took part in nearly every campaign and fought in nearly every major battle in which the Army of Northern Virginia was engaged. The blood of many a member touched the soils of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and was liberally sprinkled across the hills and fields of Virginia; such was the price of the glory they attained. Beyond the battlefield, the campaigning, and the marching, other than the active warfare, there are aspects of the Civil War, portions of a day, a night, and even whole months, that are not normally entered into the records of what happened to the men who fought in that great conflict. The members of the Second Florida, like all members of the Confederate Army, had many experiences apart from the active waging of war. There were months of encampment in winter quarters, and whole or parts of days, nights, and sometimes weekends at the beginning, end, and even during a campaign when they were inactive. These experiences are actually what filled the majority of the infantry soldier's life. The Civil War was not only about fighting and killing. It was also about hunger, boredom, cold, varying degrees of wetness, religion, and even love. This study tells the story of what the Second Florida Infantry Regiment did during the campaigns and battles in which the regiment took part, investigates the every-day experiences of the men of the unit, and explores the reasons the men had for staying with the regiment until the end of the conflict. There are several specific issues involving the lives of common soldiers during the Civil War about which historians have written little. Included in these topics are: how medical and sanitary conditions affected Civil War era armies; how the diet of soldiers affected a their health and unit morale; what the men did while not on the battlefield, and how they interacted with each other; and the role of religion in the lives of the men. In telling the military history of the regiment, this work includes several items that are absent from any other published history of the unit.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1459
Format: Thesis

Title: War Before History: A Critical Survey.
Creator: Myers, Darryl, Davis, Frederick, Creswell, Michael, Grant, Jonathan, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: War features prominently in history, that is, in the records of literate societies. This paper addresses the issue of prehistoric warfare, that is, whether human societies without writing fight wars, and if so how often, under what circumstances, what tactics and technology they use, and how their warfare differs from that of literate societies. As background, the paper reviews theoretical perspectives on prehistoric warfare and considers categories of data and problems with their...
Show moreWar features prominently in history, that is, in the records of literate societies. This paper addresses the issue of prehistoric warfare, that is, whether human societies without writing fight wars, and if so how often, under what circumstances, what tactics and technology they use, and how their warfare differs from that of literate societies. As background, the paper reviews theoretical perspectives on prehistoric warfare and considers categories of data and problems with their interpretation in the absence of primary documents. In particular, researchers continue to invoke the perspectives of the philosophers Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau as touchstones of their thoughts on the topic of prehistoric warfare. The author has no particular training or expertise in anthropology or archeology, but from reviewing the literature suggests that available data supports neither the Hobbesian nor the Rousseauian extreme. Societies without writing sometimes fight and sometimes do not, just as societies with writing do. Hobbes' war of all against all is as mythical as Rousseau's peaceful savage. The paper ends with a call for continuing more nuanced interdisciplinary research into the issue of prehistoric warfare and its implications.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2153
Format: Thesis

Title: Dropping Nuclear Bombs on Spain the Palomares Accident of 1966 and the U.S. Airborne Alert.
Creator: Megara, John, Friedman, Max Paul, Jumonville, Neil, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: On January 17, 1966, a U.S. B-52 bomber collided with a KC-135 tanker plane while refueling, causing both planes and four unarmed hydrogen bombs to fall near the Spanish village of Palomares. The conventional explosives in two of the bombs detonated causing radioactive plutonium to be spread over the village, and one bomb was missing in the Mediterranean Sea for nearly eighty days. The accident strained the already controversial relations with Spanish dictator Francisco Franco's regime, and...
Show moreOn January 17, 1966, a U.S. B-52 bomber collided with a KC-135 tanker plane while refueling, causing both planes and four unarmed hydrogen bombs to fall near the Spanish village of Palomares. The conventional explosives in two of the bombs detonated causing radioactive plutonium to be spread over the village, and one bomb was missing in the Mediterranean Sea for nearly eighty days. The accident strained the already controversial relations with Spanish dictator Francisco Franco's regime, and renewed criticism both in the United States and Spain of the U.S. maintenance of military bases on Spanish territory. This thesis examines the reasoning of the U.S. government in continuing a program of flying nuclear armed bombers over its allies despite the serious foreign relations fallout that resulted from the Palomares accident.
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Date Issued: 2006
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2502
Format: Thesis

Title: Image Is Everything: The Centrality of Prestige in Russian and Austro-Hungarian Foreign Policy, 1904-1914.
Creator: Nunn, William Weston, Grant, Jonathan, Garretson, Peter, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines and analyzes Russian and Austro-Hungarian foreign policy and the rivalry between them between 1904-1914. It asserts the centrality of prestige-garnering as a motivator of their Balkan diplomacy, not only to project an image of strength to their European rivals, but to distract from each's volatile and parlous domestic situation. Both Russia and Austria-Hungary pursued a Balkan policy that emphasized form over substance in order to convince their subjects and rivals that...
Show moreThis thesis examines and analyzes Russian and Austro-Hungarian foreign policy and the rivalry between them between 1904-1914. It asserts the centrality of prestige-garnering as a motivator of their Balkan diplomacy, not only to project an image of strength to their European rivals, but to distract from each's volatile and parlous domestic situation. Both Russia and Austria-Hungary pursued a Balkan policy that emphasized form over substance in order to convince their subjects and rivals that their integrities were intact and unassailable. Instead of more tangible foreign policy goals like territory or economics, abstract notions of imperial dignity, honor, and Great Power status, ideas that became the primary reason for the Great War's outbreak, fueled the rivalry between the two eastern monarchies. The scope of this study is a departure from other accounts of European Great Power diplomacy because it concentrates on the decade before the war instead of a lengthy narrative since the defeat of Napoleon in 1815. In addition, instead of bringing into the discussion the entirety of the European Congress, this thesis focuses on the struggle between the Romanov and Habsburg states to be recognized as the mistress of southeastern Europe. By focusing on the prestige rivalry between St. Petersburg and Vienna, this study shifts the focus from the Anglo-Germany naval rivalry in the North Sea to the wrangling over the Balkan Peninsula, the region in which the war's first shots were fired. As a result, it challenges the notion that Germany is most responsible for the chaos, asserting instead that Austria-Hungary is the most to blame.
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Date Issued: 2009
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2493
Format: Thesis

Title: The U.S. Army's 2nd Ranger Battalion: Beyond D-Day.
Creator: Quistorff, Alissa, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This thesis is a micro-history of how the 2nd Ranger Battalion, during World War II evolved their military doctrine. This work focuses on their training for operation Pointe du Hoc and the ensuing battle. After the fight for Pointe du Hoc the Rangers were deployed in a variety of ways. Be examining the Brest campaign, the battles in the Hurtgen Forest, and the crossing of the Rhine River, the Ranger doctrine slowly begins to emerge.
Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2255
Format: Thesis

Title: The Evolution of German-Jewish Intermarriage Laws and Practices in Germany to 1900.
Creator: Griffin, Christopher W., Stoltzfus, Nathan, Creswell, Michael, Sinke, Suzanne, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: In 1875, citizens throughout the recently formed German nation were for the first time allowed to intermarry without conversion. Over the course of the next fifty years, German Jews marriages to German non-Jews increased to such a level that German-Jewish intermarriage became one of the central issues in German-Jewish relations. This thesis places intermarriage within the larger frameworks of German-Jewish relations and German-Jewish history. It develops a new interpretation of the evolution...
Show moreIn 1875, citizens throughout the recently formed German nation were for the first time allowed to intermarry without conversion. Over the course of the next fifty years, German Jews marriages to German non-Jews increased to such a level that German-Jewish intermarriage became one of the central issues in German-Jewish relations. This thesis places intermarriage within the larger frameworks of German-Jewish relations and German-Jewish history. It develops a new interpretation of the evolution and legalization of intermarriage. The legalization of intermarriage took place within the framework of the kulturkampf and civil marriage debates of the early 1870s. Though intermarriage between German Jews and German non-Jews would become far more frequent after the turn of the century, intermarriage during the late nineteenth century had far more important political, religious, and social implications than mere numbers would suggest.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-3962
Format: Thesis

Title: Making of a Marshal: Bertrand Clauzel Takes Command of the Army of Portugal, 1812.
Creator: Graceffo, Jeffrey, Horward, Donald, Creswell, Michael, Grant, Jonathan, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Historians have studied Napoleon's Peninsular War for nearly 200 years, focusing in great detail on its military aspect. While many studies are devoted to the Duke of Wellington, Marshal Andre Massena, or other French marshals, there are some individuals who had a remarkable impact on the Peninsula that have been ignored. During the Battle of Salamanca in July 1812, French General Bertrand Clauzel became commander of the Army of Portugal. After the battle, he remained in command for several...
Show moreHistorians have studied Napoleon's Peninsular War for nearly 200 years, focusing in great detail on its military aspect. While many studies are devoted to the Duke of Wellington, Marshal Andre Massena, or other French marshals, there are some individuals who had a remarkable impact on the Peninsula that have been ignored. During the Battle of Salamanca in July 1812, French General Bertrand Clauzel became commander of the Army of Portugal. After the battle, he remained in command for several months. He dealt with an army that was in ruin. Their morale was extremely low, discipline was almost non-existent, and their logistics were in shambles. Nevertheless, he sought to restore the army as an effective fighting force. Throughout his efforts to restore the army, Clauzel faced Spanish guerrillas and the British Army in an exhausted country. Most references to Clauzel during this time period are extremely limited. Due to the recent archival availability of Clauzel's personal papers, this thesis will take an important step in analyzing Clauzel's role and contribution to the French cause in the Peninsular War.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-4080
Format: Thesis

Title: Progressive Arab Nationalism: 1952-1958 the War of Position, Land Reform, Anti-Colonialism and the Arab "Effendiyya".
Creator: Zylberkan, Daniel, Garretson, Peter, Creswell, Michael, Souva, Mark, Program in International Affairs, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Progressive Arab nationalism was built upon a concept of emancipation. Emancipating states from imperialism, peasants from feudalism and creating truly independent and sovereign states. From 1952 to 1958, Arab nationalists aimed to free themselves from Western imperialism created by the presence of Western institutions, regimes and organizations in their lands that were used to project power and protect economic interests. The geographies and politics of Arab states were created as a method...
Show moreProgressive Arab nationalism was built upon a concept of emancipation. Emancipating states from imperialism, peasants from feudalism and creating truly independent and sovereign states. From 1952 to 1958, Arab nationalists aimed to free themselves from Western imperialism created by the presence of Western institutions, regimes and organizations in their lands that were used to project power and protect economic interests. The geographies and politics of Arab states were created as a method for Western powers to maintain their interests in the region. One such case was the concentration of ownership of land within a feudal class that served the world market. Progressive Arab nationalist institutions such as governments, political parties, newspa-pers, radio programs, schools and social movements were the motor of social change in the tradi-tional Arab monarchies. These institutions represented civil society the domain of the new Arab "effendiyya." Starting during the 1930s, Arab civil society fought a war of position against the hegemonic power of the traditional Arab monarchies and ultimately succeeded in establishing progressive Arab nationalist hegemony in Egypt, Jordan and Iraq
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-5306
Format: Thesis

Title: On War and the Winter War.
Creator: Karnisky, Robert, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael, Jones, James P., Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Renowned for its heroism, intrigue, pathos, and freezing cold, the compelling story of the Russo-Finnish War, in which "tiny" Finland repulsed a much larger Soviet invasion force, has been thoroughly studied and recorded. Less well-researched are the influences of military strategy on the generals in that war. The conflict provides many examples of the theories on warfare advanced by Carl Philipp Gottlieb von Clausewitz in his book, Vom Kriege, first published in 1832, making it an excellent...
Show moreRenowned for its heroism, intrigue, pathos, and freezing cold, the compelling story of the Russo-Finnish War, in which "tiny" Finland repulsed a much larger Soviet invasion force, has been thoroughly studied and recorded. Less well-researched are the influences of military strategy on the generals in that war. The conflict provides many examples of the theories on warfare advanced by Carl Philipp Gottlieb von Clausewitz in his book, Vom Kriege, first published in 1832, making it an excellent teaching tool for military scholars. Clausewitz proposed that any war could be understood according to his theories. While his book is regarded as a classic reference on war, few authors have actually applied his "trinitarian" analysis to a particular war, and none have examined the Russo-Finnish War in the scholarly fashion he recommends. The mistaken impression of unequal forces in the war is reconfigured as an asymmetry across his three interrelated categories: chance and probability, rational policy, and primordial violence. Closer investigation reveals that the so-called "Finnish Miracle" was no miracle at all, but an understandable outcome, clear enough to preclude any need to postulate miracles. Numerous subtopics continually resurface here. The degree to which Prusso-German military concepts, not only those of Clausewitz, affected the conduct of both sides in the war receives attention, as do Soviet leader Josef Stalin's ideologically-based attempts to purge their influence from the Red Army. The genius of the Finnish commander, Baron Field Marshal Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim, and the courage of the Finns cannot be overlooked. Neither can the looming threat of Nazi Germany, nor the hesitancy of the overly cautious Western democracies to intervene. Using the trinitarian method to untangle this complex web of competing stratagems and policies, the author reveals why and how the war followed the course it did.
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Date Issued: 2007
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-3335
Format: Thesis

Title: Glory Overshadowed: The Military Career of General Jean Boudet 1769-1809.
Creator: Fouché, Monica, Horward, Donald, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines the military career of general of division Jean Boudet. Born in Bordeaux, France in February 1769, and he joined the French army in 1785. Boudet was released three years later. He volunteered for the army in 1792 and was sent to the Pyrenees to fight the Spanish. Just two years later, he was sent to the Caribbean to retake the French Antilles from the English. Boudet recaptured Guadeloupe from England in 1794 and by 1796 he had been promoted to general of division. Boudet...
Show moreThis thesis examines the military career of general of division Jean Boudet. Born in Bordeaux, France in February 1769, and he joined the French army in 1785. Boudet was released three years later. He volunteered for the army in 1792 and was sent to the Pyrenees to fight the Spanish. Just two years later, he was sent to the Caribbean to retake the French Antilles from the English. Boudet recaptured Guadeloupe from England in 1794 and by 1796 he had been promoted to general of division. Boudet returned to France in 1798 and was sent to Holland under Brune to fight a combined Russo-English force. Boudet found success at the battle of Castricum on 6 October 1799. He commanded a division in the Army of Reserve in 1800 and played a vital role in the French victory at Marengo on 14 June 1800. In early 1802, Boudet returned to the Caribbean as a part of the Leclerc expedition. He fought on both Saint-Domingue and returned briefly to Guadeloupe. By the end of 1802, he sailed back to France and avoided yellow fever that destroyed the majority of the expedition. Boudet was appointed to serve under Marmont in the invasion force against England. After its cancellation, Boudet was sent to Italy to create a new division that he would command. This division did not see action until 1807 in the siege of Colberg and the raising of Stralsund in July 1807. Early 1809, Boudet was sent to command a division in the observation corps of the Army of Germany. He defended Essling at the battle of Aspern-Essling on 21-22 May 1809. About six weeks later, he fought in his final battle at Wagram on 5-6 July 1809 where he lost his artillery to the numerical superiority of the Austrians on the second day. Boudet died on 14 September 1809 from gout. Boudet's military achievements have remained largely ignored. Most of the credit went to his superiors. This thesis strives not only to provide an accurate description of his life and battles, but to offer a new perspective into Boudet's talents as a general and the actions and roles that distinguished him.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-4414
Format: Thesis

Title: Why the United States Must End the Second Cold War as It Begins.
Creator: Fernandez, Adam, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael, Upchurch, Charles, Program in International Affairs, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The Cold War ended with the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. Things were fine for a time, but in recent years tensions have begun to emerge between these two nations. Policy makers in both Washington and Moscow seem to be reverting to their old habits of a Cold War mentality, and some have even said that we are witnessing the beginnings of a Second Cold War. But Cold War is not a natural state. In the over one-hundred and fifty year history of relations between the United States...
Show moreThe Cold War ended with the fall of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. Things were fine for a time, but in recent years tensions have begun to emerge between these two nations. Policy makers in both Washington and Moscow seem to be reverting to their old habits of a Cold War mentality, and some have even said that we are witnessing the beginnings of a Second Cold War. But Cold War is not a natural state. In the over one-hundred and fifty year history of relations between the United States and Russia, only forty of those years made up the Cold War. The majority of these years were characterized by peace, and there were even times when the two called each other allies. Now must be another of those times. The global threats of international terrorism, nuclear containment and proliferation, and plateauing energy supplies cannot be resolved by either the United States or Russia alone. Working for cross-purposes on these issues would lead to failure on both sides. However, due to the existing high tensions over American Anti-Ballistic Missile Diplomacy, NATO expansion into Eastern Europe, and Russia's invasion of Georgia, fruitful negotiations on these issues would be next to impossible at the present time. The solution must be a confidence building measure, but one as far from Eastern Europe and the Caucuses as possible; one excellent opportunity is in Japan. Near the end of World War II, the issue of Russian involvement in the war with Japan was one of the issues of contention which would lead to the Cold War. Because of America's role in Japan during the Cold War, Japan and the Soviet Union would never reach a peace agreement officially ending World War II. Since the end of the Cold War, low motivation and a minor border dispute have kept the two from reaching an official peace agreement. America's role in these negotiations will be to nudge the two towards peace, while at the same time signaling to Russia that the Cold War is officially over and that the United States is open to discussions on the true issues of contention. The United States needs Russia's help with its greatest challenges as it continues in the twenty-first century. The time to end the Second Cold War is now.
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Date Issued: 2008
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-4474
Format: Thesis

Title: With One Hand on My Gun and the Other on My Heart: A Comparative Analysis of European Resistance Movements and Their Relation to Jewish Resistance and Survival in World War II Europe.
Creator: Mcbee, Jared, Grant, Jonathan, Jones, James, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines the national resistance movements in Eastern and Western Europe during World War II and their relationship with Jewish resistors. The areas under consideration include the 1940 territory of the Soviet Union in the East as well as France, Belgium and the Netherlands in the West. It argues that there is a relationship between the national resistors and Jewish resistance, and the idea that Jews went meekly to their deaths in the Holocaust does not withstand investigation. In...
Show moreThis thesis examines the national resistance movements in Eastern and Western Europe during World War II and their relationship with Jewish resistors. The areas under consideration include the 1940 territory of the Soviet Union in the East as well as France, Belgium and the Netherlands in the West. It argues that there is a relationship between the national resistors and Jewish resistance, and the idea that Jews went meekly to their deaths in the Holocaust does not withstand investigation. In the East the Soviet partisans have been considered anti-Semitic and with good reason. However, the actions of Jewish-centric organizations and their members in the partisan war have been neglected. Resistance in Western Europe had a more integrated approach to membership and thus many Jews served in the national resistance. This helps to explain why Jews saw themselves more as Frenchmen, Dutch or Belgian citizens and less as Jews. This study departs from others in that the integration of Jewish resistance within national resistance movements has not been attempted on this scale. There are some micro-histories that deal with this combination in one country or one region but not a comparative analysis of multiple countries over two different regions. Placing primary emphasis on the Jewish struggle within the various resistance units allows historians a deeper understanding of the complexities of the partisan war. In addition, it counters the stubborn belief that the majority of Jews did not resist the Holocaust. This also aids in understanding the connection between Jewish and national resistance movements that were ongoing throughout the entirety of the Nazi occupation of Europe. This also means that Jewish resistance is much more complicated than the ghetto uprisings so frequently mentioned.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-6446
Format: Thesis

Title: Art of the Cold War: How the United States and France Depended on Whistler's Mother, the Mona Lisa and Georgia O'Keeffe to Strengthen Relations.
Creator: Drewel, Amy Lynn, Creswell, Michael, Jumonville, Neil, Jones, James, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Since the post-modernist turn in academic history, there has been an increasing interest in cultural diplomacy particularly in regards to the Cold War. Yet one area rarely explored by historians is the manner in which the United States and France used art exhibits for cultural diplomatic purposes. This study discusses three exhibits at length-- Advancing American Art, Mona Lisa, and Whistler's Mother. These exhibits illustrate the varied reasons that fine art became symbolic of the two...
Show moreSince the post-modernist turn in academic history, there has been an increasing interest in cultural diplomacy particularly in regards to the Cold War. Yet one area rarely explored by historians is the manner in which the United States and France used art exhibits for cultural diplomatic purposes. This study discusses three exhibits at length-- Advancing American Art, Mona Lisa, and Whistler's Mother. These exhibits illustrate the varied reasons that fine art became symbolic of the two countries' political dealings with one another. Of particular interest are the historic events surrounding these famous art exhibits. During these cultural exchanges, art almost literally took on a diplomatic role in relations between the American and the French governments.
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Date Issued: 2013
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-8548
Format: Thesis

Title: From Tsars to Commissars: Continuities in Russian Modern Diplomatic History with Persia and Japan.
Creator: Hansford, Christopher, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael, Wynot, Edward, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The recent resurgence of the Russian Federation into international politics has caused a great stir in the capitals of Western Europe, the Untied Stated, and those of the former Soviet Union. When looking to the behavior of the Russian state, it is critical to understand the historical and geopolitical perspective from which they are operating. With the collapse of Soviet communism, there must clearly be major policy differences between the quasi-capitalist Russian Federation and its...
Show moreThe recent resurgence of the Russian Federation into international politics has caused a great stir in the capitals of Western Europe, the Untied Stated, and those of the former Soviet Union. When looking to the behavior of the Russian state, it is critical to understand the historical and geopolitical perspective from which they are operating. With the collapse of Soviet communism, there must clearly be major policy differences between the quasi-capitalist Russian Federation and its monolithic Communist predecessor, yes? To relate to this contemporary context, it is best to understand the Russian position in the geo-political arena and how that position largely remained cemented from the Imperial Tsarist to the Bolshevik Soviet periods. In doing so, a look away from Europe, from those states whose own aggressive and dynamic behaviors would muddy the waters is perhaps the best answer. With long standing ties and contests between Russia, Persia/Iran, and Japan, these two "Eastern" nations will be the central focus of this study, along with how Russian policy objectives, behaviors, and decisions were or were not impacted by the Russian Revolution of 1917. With an understanding of Russia's place through such a violent and dynamic political shift, this study aims to contribute to the historiography while adding modern relevance and understanding to the patterns of Russian diplomatic behavior.
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Date Issued: 2014
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-8799
Format: Thesis

Title: "Malta Is a Magnificent Story": Malta's Symbolic Role in the Second World War.
Creator: Debono, Megan, Jones, James P., Creswell, Michael, Koslow, Jennifer, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines Malta's symbolic role in the Second World War. Then a British-held colony, the archipelago fell under heavy Axis bombardment from mid 1940 ' early 1943. Incessant Italian and German air raids plagued the islands and the Maltese, making Malta the most heavily bombed area of the entire war. In June 1940, just weeks before the first attack, London's War Cabinet deemed the isles indefensible and withdrew their forces. Despite this initial abandonment, the British permanently...
Show moreThis thesis examines Malta's symbolic role in the Second World War. Then a British-held colony, the archipelago fell under heavy Axis bombardment from mid 1940 ' early 1943. Incessant Italian and German air raids plagued the islands and the Maltese, making Malta the most heavily bombed area of the entire war. In June 1940, just weeks before the first attack, London's War Cabinet deemed the isles indefensible and withdrew their forces. Despite this initial abandonment, the British permanently returned to their colony just a few months later and expended a considerable amount of manpower and materiel in its defense. Tactical reasons alone cannot explain this drastic reversal in British policy. The missing explanation lies with Malta's role in British propaganda. Whether by choice or ignorance, this crucial aspect of Malta's wartime purpose is absent from the historiography. Through an examination of official papers and popular periodicals, this thesis aims to correct this imbalance. To provide proper context, the work first analyzes Anglo-Maltese relations and the empire's position in the latter half of the 1930s. The subsequent chapters analyze the media's role in the War Cabinet's return, and how Prime Minister Winston Churchill used the gallant tale of Malta to bolster morale at home and elicit the cooperation of the United States. Paired with strategic objectives around the Mediterranean basin, these propagandistic concerns ensured Britain's continued defense of the archipelago. Through the war's end, Malta served as both a physical and ideological bastion for the British Empire.
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Date Issued: 2011
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-7124
Format: Thesis

Title: "Malta Is a Magnificent Story": Malta's Symbolic Role in the Second World War.
Creator: Debono, Megan, Jones, James P., Creswell, Michael, Koslow, Jennifer, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This thesis examines Malta's symbolic role in the Second World War. Then a Britishheld colony, the archipelago fell under heavy Axis bombardment from mid 1940 – early 1943. Incessant Italian and German air raids plagued the islands and the Maltese, making Malta the most heavily bombed area of the entire war. In June 1940, just weeks before the first attack, London's War Cabinet deemed the isles indefensible and withdrew their forces. Despite this initial abandonment, the British permanently...
Show moreThis thesis examines Malta's symbolic role in the Second World War. Then a Britishheld colony, the archipelago fell under heavy Axis bombardment from mid 1940 – early 1943. Incessant Italian and German air raids plagued the islands and the Maltese, making Malta the most heavily bombed area of the entire war. In June 1940, just weeks before the first attack, London's War Cabinet deemed the isles indefensible and withdrew their forces. Despite this initial abandonment, the British permanently returned to their colony just a few months later and expended a considerable amount of manpower and materiel in its defense. Tactical reasons alone cannot explain this drastic reversal in British policy. The missing explanation lies with Malta's role in British propaganda. Whether by choice or ignorance, this crucial aspect of Malta's wartime purpose is absent from the historiography. Through an examination of official papers and popular periodicals, this thesis aims to correct this imbalance. To provide proper context, the work first analyzes Anglo- Maltese relations and the empire's position in the latter half of the 1930s. The subsequent chapters analyze the media's role in the War Cabinet's return, and how Prime Minister Winston Churchill used the gallant tale of Malta to bolster morale at home and elicit the cooperation of the United States. Paired with strategic objectives around the Mediterranean basin, these propagandistic concerns ensured Britain's continued defense of the archipelago. Through the war's end, Malta served as both a physical and ideological bastion for the British Empire.
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Date Issued: 2011
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-4665
Format: Thesis

Title: The Agrarian Policy of the Social Revolutionary Party and Its Impact on the Development of the Russian Peasantry into a Politicized Social Class, 1870-1907.
Creator: Howell, Jessica H., Grant, Jonathan, Launer, Michael K., Wynot, Edward, Creswell, Michael, Jones, Maxine, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: In the Russian Empire, where so many of its inhabitants were of the peasant class in the 19th and 20th centuries, it is interesting that despite their large numbers, they did not engage themselves regularly in political matters. While some parties attempted to include the peasantry in the years 1902-1907, many were unable to effectively incorporate the peasants within the organizational structure of the party. Peasants, despite their discontent with their circumstances, were unwilling to join...
Show moreIn the Russian Empire, where so many of its inhabitants were of the peasant class in the 19th and 20th centuries, it is interesting that despite their large numbers, they did not engage themselves regularly in political matters. While some parties attempted to include the peasantry in the years 1902-1907, many were unable to effectively incorporate the peasants within the organizational structure of the party. Peasants, despite their discontent with their circumstances, were unwilling to join organized political parties in the revolutionary movement that was present in Russia during these years. Instead, the peasants demonstrated their ability to become a contender in the realm of politics apart from the Socialist Revolutionary Party (PSR), the one most active among the countryside. There is evidence that both the PSR and the peasants were striving to change the social and political scene in Russia. Although the PSR hoped that the peasants would unite in its efforts to bring forth a revolution to Russia, the peasants acted alone, seeking different concessions from the government. In the end, the peasants are often remembered for their uprisings and revolts directed at their landlords, but it is because of these actions that many parties, and the government, began to rethink the agrarian question. By 1902, the peasants were a political force, regardless of the ultimate outcome of their actions.
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Date Issued: 2009
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-7159
Format: Thesis

Title: Witness to Glory: Lieutenant-Général Henri-Gatien Bertrand, 1791-1815.
Creator: Delvaux, Steven Laurence, Horward, Donald D., Hargreaves, Alec, Oldson, William, Creswell, Michael, Grant, Jonathan A., Department of Art History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Henri-Gatien Bertrand is perhaps the least known of the generals who occupied a prestigious position near Napoleon during the years of the First French Empire. Born in 1773 to a family of the lesser nobility, Bertrand's life encompassed all of the great and momentous events that shook France and Europe during the ensuing fifty years. He played a direct role in many of these events. Commissioned into the French army as an engineer officer in 1793, Bertrand served as an engineer during the...
Show moreHenri-Gatien Bertrand is perhaps the least known of the generals who occupied a prestigious position near Napoleon during the years of the First French Empire. Born in 1773 to a family of the lesser nobility, Bertrand's life encompassed all of the great and momentous events that shook France and Europe during the ensuing fifty years. He played a direct role in many of these events. Commissioned into the French army as an engineer officer in 1793, Bertrand served as an engineer during the siege of Metz in 1794, in the Egyptian Campaign from 1798-1801, at the camp de Boulogne from 1802-04, and during the 1809 Campaign. He also served as an aide-de-camp to Napoleon during the 1805, 1806, 1807, and 1808 Campaigns. In 1811, the Emperor appointed him to serve as the Governor General of the Illyrian Provinces where he remained until being recalled to the army in 1813. He served in the ensuing 1813 Campaign as the commander of the 4th Corps, leading his corps in the battles of Lützen, Bautzen, Gross Beeren, Dennewitz, Wartemburg, Leipzig, and Hanau. At the end of that campaign, Napoleon elevated Bertrand to the position of Grand Marshal of the Palace. Bertrand retained that position during the 1814 and 1815 Campaigns and throughout the Emperor's exiles to Elba and St. Helena. He remained with Napoleon on St. Helena until the Emperor's death in 1821. Bertrand's service to France and Napoleon during these many years is singular for its length and the devoted manner in which he performed it. He possessed an unshakeable conviction in Napoleon's greatness and he conducted himself in both victory and adversity in a distinguished and dignified manner that speaks highly of his character and integrity. He garnered the admiration, respect, and esteem of many for his unimpeachable service to France and Napoleon during these momentous years.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-0772
Format: Thesis

Title: The Torturer's Dilemma: Analyzing the Logic of Torture for Information.
Creator: Armshaw, Patrick, Moore, William H., Creswell, Michael, Barrilleaux, Charles, Grosser, Jens, Souva, Mark, Department of Political Science, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: In the Aftermath of the September 11th attacks, the fear of apocalyptic terrorism has caused many Americans and academics worldwide to reexamine previously held beliefs on the morality and suitability of torture as a means of ensuring public safety. While much of the ensuing debate has focused on deontological versus teleological ethics (Kant vs. Bentham), torture can only properly be understood as an empirical system - a means of gathering information. By applying an analytical narrative...
Show moreIn the Aftermath of the September 11th attacks, the fear of apocalyptic terrorism has caused many Americans and academics worldwide to reexamine previously held beliefs on the morality and suitability of torture as a means of ensuring public safety. While much of the ensuing debate has focused on deontological versus teleological ethics (Kant vs. Bentham), torture can only properly be understood as an empirical system - a means of gathering information. By applying an analytical narrative framework to comparative case studies, I argue that torture must depend on certain conditions that are inherently difficult to satisfy - and that the attempts by various authorities to make use of torture have instead led them inexorably towards a deceptive cycle where bad information corrupts the system. The implication is that torture can paradoxically do more harm to the torturing state even than to the enemy it hopes to combat. The cases under examination include the Salem witch trials in 17th Century New England, the Algerian Revolution both from the standpoint of the French counterinsurgency and the FLN, and the United States during the War on Terror.
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Date Issued: 2011
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-0234
Format: Thesis

Title: Filling the Void: Private Security Providers and Their Implications for United States Military Operations in Iraq and Beyond.
Creator: Shores III, Howard Prentiss, Garretson, Peter, Souva, Mark, Creswell, Michael, Program in International Affairs, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: While the use of private contractors in United States military operations is not a new phenomenon, the expansive use of private security providers in Iraq is unprecedented in modern warfare. Over the course of the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq, these private companies have carried out more mission-critical operations than in any previous conflict, all without a comprehensive system in place to supervise and regulate their activities. During this time, these companies and their employees have...
Show moreWhile the use of private contractors in United States military operations is not a new phenomenon, the expansive use of private security providers in Iraq is unprecedented in modern warfare. Over the course of the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq, these private companies have carried out more mission-critical operations than in any previous conflict, all without a comprehensive system in place to supervise and regulate their activities. During this time, these companies and their employees have been involved in a number of well-publicized incidents, drawing a great deal of criticism from numerous observers in the United States and abroad. This thesis examines these companies and their activities in Iraq, as well as the concerns and criticisms that have arisen as a result of their utilization in occupation. Ultimately, this paper attempts to determine the implications of the continued use of these companies in Iraq, as well as in future U.S. military operations.
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Date Issued: 2008
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-0322
Format: Thesis

Title: The Romanian Media in Transition.
Creator: Georgiadis, Basil D., Grant, Jonathon, O'Sullivan, Patrick, Stoltzfus, Nathan, Creswell, Michael, Childs, Matt, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The Romanian media has progressed in only a decade and a half since the fall of Communism. Reporters discuss themes about political reform, the elections, corruption, and even political protest. They critically analyze stories asking the basic questions while frequently providing follow-up. The press has liberalized, reflecting pluralistic domestic and international information sources as opposed to the State-controlled media before 1990. The media, along with free elections, transparency of...
Show moreThe Romanian media has progressed in only a decade and a half since the fall of Communism. Reporters discuss themes about political reform, the elections, corruption, and even political protest. They critically analyze stories asking the basic questions while frequently providing follow-up. The press has liberalized, reflecting pluralistic domestic and international information sources as opposed to the State-controlled media before 1990. The media, along with free elections, transparency of law and government, and a civil society, are important benchmarks for a society that strives to compare favorably with the West, and for that reason deserves examination. Serious problems exist however. A weak economy makes the media susceptible to government manipulation. Legal challenges by the government and businessmen against journalists as defendants, impose hefty fines over libel and slander challenges. Control of state broadcast media by ex-Communist ruling Social Democrats prevents the mass media from contributing to the public dialogue. Social attitudes developed in the twentieth century, negatively shape the reporting of national minority groups which are substantial in Romania and the Balkans. Finally, an authoritarian tradition based on imperial, fascist, and communist rule, has manifested itself in violence towards journalists. The dissertation examines the media within the Communist tradition from 1945-1989 and followed with a survey of the post-Communist media. A brief history of the national minorities question provides perspective on present day attitudes in the media towards these groups. A survey of NGO's and other institutions examined progress towards a civil society. In the international context, a comparison of the situation in Romania with countries in Eastern Europe and Latin America revealed similar problems. The media has diversified greatly considering the short time frame of this study in post-Communist Romania. Election choices, international structures and non-governmental agencies will continue to influence and change the political and media culture while a weak economy and authoritarian mentality in the government and legal system offer challenges to a developing free press and young democracy in Romania.
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Date Issued: 2004
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-0139
Format: Thesis

Title: Public Opinion, Security Threats, and Foreign Policy Formation: A Theoretical Framework and Comparative Analysis.
Creator: Davis, William, Souva, Mark, Creswell, Michael, Hensel, Paul, Smith, Dale, Jackson, Robert, Department of Political Science, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Does public opinion influence foreign policy? Much work, following the example of such scholars as Page and Shapiro (1983), has suggested that mass public opinion is stable, and is rational and that public policy outputs follow public opinion in advanced democratic countries. Using the case of Germany, I employ a process tracing analysis as well as time series and cross-national time-series regression analyses to test the generalizability of the hypothesis of an opinion-foreign policy nexus...
Show moreDoes public opinion influence foreign policy? Much work, following the example of such scholars as Page and Shapiro (1983), has suggested that mass public opinion is stable, and is rational and that public policy outputs follow public opinion in advanced democratic countries. Using the case of Germany, I employ a process tracing analysis as well as time series and cross-national time-series regression analyses to test the generalizability of the hypothesis of an opinion-foreign policy nexus in Europe between the years 1970-2002. Results here contradict literature on expected public opinion and policy outputs in the Cold War period yet are supported after. I find that the predicted effect of public opinion on foreign policy outputs to be confounded by such factors as security threats. I conclude that a divergence between the threat perception of leaders and of the public is likely to result in a lack of congruence between public opinion and a state's foreign policy outputs. Convergence between leaders and public opinion in post-Cold War Germany and more broadly in Europe may have necessitated a reassessment of the longstanding foreign policy relationship with the US.
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Date Issued: 2007
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-0814
Format: Thesis

Title: A Rough, Wet Ride: The Civilian Genesis of the American Motor Torpedo Boat.
Creator: Wiser, Edward H., Jones, James P., Chanton, Jeffrey, Creswell, Michael C., Grant, Jonathan, Garretson, Peter, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Dwight Eisenhower once warned of an insidious collusion between industry and government that threatened to become master of United States domestic and foreign policy. His warning came too late, of course, for the threat had already become reality before he spoke. But there were and are positive elements to the merger of interests, and one of them was the infusion of civilian small craft expertise into the arena of national defense. This dissertation is an overview of the evolution of small...
Show moreDwight Eisenhower once warned of an insidious collusion between industry and government that threatened to become master of United States domestic and foreign policy. His warning came too late, of course, for the threat had already become reality before he spoke. But there were and are positive elements to the merger of interests, and one of them was the infusion of civilian small craft expertise into the arena of national defense. This dissertation is an overview of the evolution of small combatant craft in the United States Navy and demonstrates that the most successful of these boats have consistently come from the civilian sector. The history of this intercourse is traced from its origins in the American Revolution through its ultimate incarnation of the motor torpedo boat of World War Two. Experience in Vietnam and ongoing counter-terror and drug interception operations worldwide, demonstrates conclusively that rugged, efficient boats for security, patrol, and combat are still an essential factor in law enforcement, homeland defense, and power projection, and the services have come to rely increasingly upon the domestic small craft industry to supply them.
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Date Issued: 2009
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-0922
Format: Thesis

Title: Stuck in Traffic: The Wehrmacht's Failure in Urban Russia.
Creator: Sinisi, Scott T., Grant, Jonathan A., Williamson, George S., Creswell, Michael, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Department of History
Abstract/Description: This paper traces an emergent pattern of critical delays imposed on the German method of warfare known as blitzkrieg by forced engagement in urban combat throughout the campaigns in Poland, France and the Low Countries, and finally the Soviet Union.
Date Issued: 2018
Identifier: 2019_Spring_Sinisi_fsu_0071N_14954
Format: Thesis

Title: "Between Grand Strategy and Grandiose Stupidity": The Marine Crops and Pacification in Vietnam.
Creator: Weinstein, Adam, Creswell, Michael, Friedman, Max Paul, Souva, Mark, Program in International Affairs, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Only a fraction of armed forces in Vietnam made the "other war" â the war for hearts and minds â their primary struggle. These were the U.S. Marines comprising the Combined Action Platoons, who lived and worked in individual hamlets, trained local security forces, made civic improvements, and sought to secure the war's objectives on the lowest community level. The program's scope and achievements were limited; while 85,000 Marines occupied Vietnam at the conflict's apogee, CAP Marines...
Show moreOnly a fraction of armed forces in Vietnam made the "other war" â the war for hearts and minds â their primary struggle. These were the U.S. Marines comprising the Combined Action Platoons, who lived and worked in individual hamlets, trained local security forces, made civic improvements, and sought to secure the war's objectives on the lowest community level. The program's scope and achievements were limited; while 85,000 Marines occupied Vietnam at the conflict's apogee, CAP Marines never numbered more than 2,500. However, in an age of renewed interest in "small wars" and pacification, the CAP program is a remarkable subject of study. This study re-examines the CAP program with two basic goals. First, it argues that the program represented a departure from the U.S. government's conventional wisdom regarding pacification and counterinsurgency operations, and this departure was consistent with the Marines' institutional traditions of flexibility, non-conformity and strategic innovation. The Marine Corps' identity as an army-navy hybrid gave it a starring role in America's so-called "small wars" of pacification abroad; its diminutive size allowed members to put a premium on open thought and political involvement that is rare in most military institutions. Grounded in these Marine traditions, the CAP program originated as an act of insubordination â as military innovation almost always does. Second, this study examines the CAP program's potential exportability, its resemblance to modern counterparts in Iraq and Afghanistan, and its grand strategic implications. The Marines' experience in Vietnam suggests that while the CAP concept marks a significant advance in counterinsurgent theory, it still assumes a long, expensive occupation that carries numerous caveats as well as large â and largely predictable â risks. These risks limit the usefulness of combined action to selected political and geographical ground states: it is useful in an Afghanistan, but probably not in an Iraq. An empirically honest understanding of pacification and its hazards can help policymakers distinguish between justifiable future missions and imprudent, costly gambles. They will recognize the difference, as B. H. Liddell Hart put it, "between grand strategy and grandiose stupidity."
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Date Issued: 2007
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1215
Format: Thesis

Title: The Art of Deception: Dueling Intelligence Organizations in World War II.
Creator: Bendeck, Whitney Talley, Creswell, Michael, Grant, Jonathan, Wynot, Edward D., Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Committee Chair - Michael Creswell Committee Member - Edward D. Wynot Committee Member - Jonathan Grant
Date Issued: 2004
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1318
Format: Thesis

Title: The Royal Navy in the Baltic from 1807-1812.
Creator: Raymond, David J. (David John), Grant, Jonathon, Souva, Mark, Blaufarb, Rafe, Creswell, Michael, Jones, James P., Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This dissertation presents and analyzes British Naval Operations in the Baltic during the Napoleonic War. In addition, Political and Economic Relations between Britain and the nations bordering the Baltic will be addressed, in particular Denmark, Sweden and Russia. The intent is to present a comprehensive portrayal of a largely overlooked period of Naval and Napoleonic History.
Date Issued: 2010
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1883
Format: Thesis

Title: The Soviet Influence on Turkish Foreign Policy (1945-1960).
Creator: Ulgul, Murat, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael H., Smith, Dala L., Program in Russian and East European Studies, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: For the Turkish foreign policy, the years between 1945 and 1960 constitute a period in which certain political policies that had long-term effects were followed and relations with other countries underwent fundamental changes. In this time period, despite limited means and hard conditions, Turkey joined the Western Bloc and became one of the active participants of the Cold War because of its importance and the threat perception it felt from the Soviet Union based on its geopolitical situation...
Show moreFor the Turkish foreign policy, the years between 1945 and 1960 constitute a period in which certain political policies that had long-term effects were followed and relations with other countries underwent fundamental changes. In this time period, despite limited means and hard conditions, Turkey joined the Western Bloc and became one of the active participants of the Cold War because of its importance and the threat perception it felt from the Soviet Union based on its geopolitical situation. In this study, the real affect of the Soviet threat as posed to Turkish sovereignty and territorial integrity during the 15-year period is analyzed. To this effect, the research is divided into two periods. The first period consists of the years between 1945 and 1952, where Soviet effects on Turkish foreign policy were at their zenith, although official Soviet-Turkish relations were rare in contrast to other periods explored in this study. The key characteristics of this period are that Turkish foreign policy was extremely affected by the phoniness of Soviet-Turkish relations in the interwar period and the Soviet threat that took place between 1939 and 1947. Because of these conditions, in spite of the fact that the Soviet threat to Turkey diminished after 1947, Turkish foreign policy diversified and the main objective of Turkish policy-makers transitioned into a goal to join all economic, political and military organizations founded by the Western Bloc. This endeavor swung a punch at the economic, social and political evolution that had took place from the founding of the country and laid substantial groundwork for Turkish foreign policy after 1952, in spite of American economic, political and military provisions. The second period lasts from the point of Turkey's entrance into NATO and Soviet renunciation of their demands on Turkish territory and Straits to the Turkish military coup of 1960. These years represent the period in which official Turkish-Soviet relations intensified while the Soviet effect on Turkish foreign policy was nadir. Characteristics of this period include the shift to national interests of the Republic of Turkey as the top priority, replacing the search for security against the Soviet threat that had been prevalent in the previous period. These national interests amounted to the need to be a regional power in the Balkans and the Middle East â which had been ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries â as well as recognizing the economic development in Turkey. To reach these aims, Turkish politicians wanted to create in the populace the notion that the Soviet threat had not disappeared for Turkey or the Middle East. This planting of information heralded the second break in the Turkish evolution process through the Turks alteration from their traditional behavior pattern which was returning to the balance of power policy as soon as the threat vanished. However, the new Turkish policies did not result in economic development and their goal to be a regional power and so, decision-makers implemented policies inconsistent with the Turkish past and created more breaks in the evolution process. Another argument presented in the study is that during this early post-war period Turkish-Soviet relations were lived in the shadows of Turkish-American relations and more importantly, American-Soviet relations; because of this, the Soviet effect on Turkish foreign policy grew weaker with each passing year. The subject of this study in not Soviet-Turkish relations but Soviet effects on Turkish foreign policy between 1945 and 1960 because this study incorporated and benefited largely from Turkish and American sources . To simply title this study Soviet-Turkish relations it would lack Soviet point of view and its historical validity would by doubted. This is not to discredit Turkish-American relations that are highly important in order to decipher the underlying effects of the relations clearly.
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Date Issued: 2010
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1463
Format: Thesis

Title: Shock Therapy: The United States Anti-Communist Psychological Campaign in Fourth Republic France.
Creator: Perlman, Susan M., Friedman, Max Paul, Metcalf, Lee, Creswell, Michael, Program in International Affairs, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This study examines the United States anti-communist psychological campaign in France during the Fourth Republic. Students of the Cold War have often neglected this American "psywar" as playing a defining role in the Franco-American relationship in the early Cold War era. Rather, it is frequently treated as an aside in overall histories of postwar Franco-American relations. I argue that the American campaign itself proved to be a central factor that shaped U.S.-French relations in the Fourth...
Show moreThis study examines the United States anti-communist psychological campaign in France during the Fourth Republic. Students of the Cold War have often neglected this American "psywar" as playing a defining role in the Franco-American relationship in the early Cold War era. Rather, it is frequently treated as an aside in overall histories of postwar Franco-American relations. I argue that the American campaign itself proved to be a central factor that shaped U.S.-French relations in the Fourth Republic (1946-1958) and well into the years beyond. This campaign was not just a reflection of American desires to reduce the influence of communism in France; it was also part of a determined U.S. effort to secure support for American policies and initiatives in Europe in the face of the Soviet threat. American officials linked communism in France with obstructionism of U.S. policies and anti-Americanism. Consequently, the U.S. anti-communist psychological campaign both influenced and was driven by American Cold War imperatives. Indeed, had the French been more responsive to U.S. foreign policy overtures and initiatives, it is unlikely that the United States would have intervened to the degree that it did in French affairs. The U.S. campaign came to permeate all aspects of French life and included American pressure on the French to adhere to U.S.-led foreign policy initiatives such as the Marshall Plan, NATO, and the European Defense Community (EDC), as well as related U.S. plans for a rearmed and reintegrated Germany. It also included American intrusions into French political and governmental processes as well as the labor movement. Finally, the American campaign sought to win French public opinion and mitigate the positive gains of Soviet peace initiatives through the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), information and educational programs, and mass media. All of these elements were linked to the others under the guidance of the Psychological Strategy Board (PSB), created by President Harry Truman in April 1951, with representatives from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), State Department, Department of Defense, United States Information Agency, and other interested parties. On January 31, 1952, the PSB approved PSB D-14c "Psychological Operations Plan for the Reduction of Communist Power in France" which consolidated the various anti-communist efforts initiated under the Truman administration and formalized the U.S. anti-communist psychological campaign in France. Fourth Republic France, however, understood the communist threat within a much different set of circumstances than did the United States. Communists in France enjoyed enormous prestige born of their participation in the Resistance. Moreover, communists held government positions, ran the largest trade union, and generally appealed to a French population who feared being drawn into yet another world war. French geography alone demanded a cautious foreign policy. The French understood that their country would be the battlefield if a war should break out between the two Cold War giants. Indeed, the governments of the Fourth Republic had to ensure not only their own political survival; they also had to guarantee that the French Republic could survive the Cold War. Therefore, although the French remained firmly aligned with the West and were in general agreement with the United States on basic Cold War policy issues, the French forged their own path, and in doing so, sometimes disagreed with U.S. foreign policy concepts (or certain aspects of them) as they did with respect to the EDC, Germany, and the role of NATO. These governments did so, not out of anti-Americanism, or because they were weak on communism, but because the exigencies of France's own domestic and foreign policies required it. In the end, the U.S. campaign failed to have the effect desired by U.S. officials. As the U.S. campaign intensified, the French of the Fourth Republic, who had been staunch U.S. allies and were anti-communist in their own right, became increasingly wary of U.S. intervention and sought more independence from the United States. Although the French remained generally aligned with U.S. policy in Europe, they did not do so unconditionally or with blanket acceptance of the American Cold War platform, and they sought to carve out a more independent and leading role for themselves in European affairs.
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Date Issued: 2006
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2024
Format: Thesis

Title: Judge Pierre Crabitès: A Bourbon Democrat in Egypt, 1877-1943..
Creator: Parkinson, Brian R., Garretson, Peter, Hargreaves, Alec, Strait, Paul, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Judge Pierre Crabitès was born in the French Quarter of New Orleans, Louisiana, 17 February 1877. Like so many in New Orleans, Pierre Crabitès was a Creole. His father was a wealthy French immigrant, and his mother was a Virginian. Crabitès grew up without want, attending the best private schools and universities that New Orleans had to offer. His family connections helped him when President Taft nominated Crabitès to a seat on the Mixed Courts of Egypt in 1911, and he sat on the bench in...
Show moreJudge Pierre Crabitès was born in the French Quarter of New Orleans, Louisiana, 17 February 1877. Like so many in New Orleans, Pierre Crabitès was a Creole. His father was a wealthy French immigrant, and his mother was a Virginian. Crabitès grew up without want, attending the best private schools and universities that New Orleans had to offer. His family connections helped him when President Taft nominated Crabitès to a seat on the Mixed Courts of Egypt in 1911, and he sat on the bench in Cairo for the next twenty-five years, rendering decisions on many important cases, including the case for the sequestration rights to the tomb of the Pharaoh Tutankhamen. His career as a judge on the Mixed Courts coincided with a period of British dominance over Egypt, and his anti-British sentiments thus evolved during his stay in Egypt. Several accidents led Crabitès to take up writing as a hobby. He published many book sand articles, and these works exhibit the environment in which he grew up and his anti-British opinions. These anti-British feelings ultimately barred his appointment to the Mixed Courts' Court of Appeals and later hindered his work for the OSS. After serving on the Mixed Courts for twenty-five years, Crabitès took up a post lecturing on law at Louisiana State University. When not busy teaching, Crabitès spent much of his time giving speeches on popular subjects in the 1930s, such as politics and the war. President Roosevelt appointed Crabitès as the American delegate to the Montreaux Convention, which resolved to slowly phase out the Mixed Courts. Crabitès finally realized his goal of obtaining a foreign service post when he accepted a job working for the OSS and Colonel Bill Donovan; however, his anti-British sentiments continued to haunt him when he returned to the Middle East, and he was subsequently transferred from Egypt to Iraq. Unfortunately, Crabitès died soon after his arrival in Iraq on 10 October 1943,in Baghdad.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2208
Format: Thesis

Title: Extradition: A Test of International Cooperation in the Enforcement of Domestic Criminal Law.
Creator: Parrillo, Robert Louis, Moore, Will H., Creswell, Michael, Souva, Mark A., Siegel, David A., Department of Political Science, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: In this dissertation, I seek to explain why states fail to commit to the exchange of fugitive offenders with every other state, even where there appear to be several benefits to doing so. Commitment is equated with signature to bilateral extradition treaties. Extradition is viewed as a form of international cooperation. I argue that states will cooperate to enhance their perceived security interests. Extradition is a tool which states can use to enhance these interests. However, whether a...
Show moreIn this dissertation, I seek to explain why states fail to commit to the exchange of fugitive offenders with every other state, even where there appear to be several benefits to doing so. Commitment is equated with signature to bilateral extradition treaties. Extradition is viewed as a form of international cooperation. I argue that states will cooperate to enhance their perceived security interests. Extradition is a tool which states can use to enhance these interests. However, whether a state will utilize this tool depends on at least two factors. The first relates to the multidimensional nature of security. Although extradition can help a state increase its security by making it easier to bring fugitives to justice and discouraging criminals from taking safe-harbor in its territory, these are not a state's only security concerns. States have long viewed states with dissimilar political, economic, and cultural institutions as threats on numerous other dimensions; including a state's very survival. Accordingly, a state is more likely to use the tool of extradition when potential extradition partners have similar political, economic, or cultural institutions because doing so allows it to reap the security benefits of extradition without concern of threat on other dimensions. In some sense, shared institutions allow states to focus on absolute as opposed to relative gains. When states share institutions, they don't have to worry about the other state gaining a disproportionate amount. The second factor which influences a state's decision to cooperate is whether it is likely that fugitives will be exchanged. There is not much purpose to extradition where fugitive exchanges are unlikely. I argue that similar legal systems, similar culture, geographic proximity and major power status all increase the probability of fugitive exchanges and thus the likelihood of extradition agreements. The theory is fully supported for economic institutions, culture, proximity, and major power status. The theory is partially supported for political institutions and similar legal systems. Democratic political institutions and common laws systems affect signature as expected; however, non-democratic, civil law, and Islamic systems do not. In all other ways the theory is supported.
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Date Issued: 2009
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2192
Format: Thesis

Title: Flawed, but Essential: Mark W. Clark and the Italian Campaign in World War II.
Creator: Mikolashek, Jon, Jones, James P., Stallins, Tony, Friedman, Max Paul, Gellately, Robert, Creswell, Michael, Department of Art History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The wartime career of General Mark W. Clark has never been critically analyzed. This study addresses that missing scholarship. This dissertation examines the wartime career of General Clark beginning with his arrival in England in 1942 to the end of the war in May 1945. Aside from Clark's career and achievements, the study further examines the reasons the United States went to war in Italy and decided to stay.
Date Issued: 2007
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2441
Format: Thesis

Title: "The Lion of the Russian Army": Life and Military Career of General Prince Peter Bagration 1765-1812.
Creator: Mikaberidze, Alexander, Horward, Donald D., O’Sullivan, Patrick, Garretson, Peter, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This study explores the life and military career of General Peter Bagration. A scion of the Georgian royal dynasty, he was reared in the exiled family in a small town in the periphery of the Russian Empire and rose from obscurity to the highest circles of the Russian society. He was undoubtedly one of the most prominent Russians of the time, achieving unprecedented fame and status. He lived only forty-seven years but dedicated thirty years of his life to the military service. He distinguished...
Show moreThis study explores the life and military career of General Peter Bagration. A scion of the Georgian royal dynasty, he was reared in the exiled family in a small town in the periphery of the Russian Empire and rose from obscurity to the highest circles of the Russian society. He was undoubtedly one of the most prominent Russians of the time, achieving unprecedented fame and status. He lived only forty-seven years but dedicated thirty years of his life to the military service. He distinguished himself as master commander of rear and advance guards and was regarded as one of the best Russian commanders of the Napoleonic Wars. Bagration fought in every war Russia waged from 1794 to 1812 and successfully faced the great leaders of his epoch - Napoleon, Andre Masséna, Charles Nicholas Davout and others. However, despite his historical and military importance, Bagration still remains largely neglected. Little is known about Bagration's childhood and adolescence. Most of the volumes on Bagration describe his role in the 1812 Campaign and tend to embellish his exploits. This work aims to provide reader with an accurate portrait of one of the most prominent commanders of the Russian army. Bagration emerges as talented, patriotic general, admired by the army and society, yet of a violent and impetuous character tha often led to important miscalculations. Accepting Russia as his motherland, he served faithfully and died fighting to ensure its freedom.
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Date Issued: 2003
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-2445
Format: Thesis

Title: General Paul Thiébault His Life and His Legacy.
Creator: Sigler, Jackson L., Horward, Donald D., O'Sullivan, Patrick, Garretson, Peter, Grant, Jonathan, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Paul Thiébault (1769-1846) rose to the rank of général de division in the Napoleonic armies of France. He was also the author of military histories, studies of the operations of staff organizations, and a controversial set of memoirs published nearly fifty years after his death. This work describes Thiébault's military career, relevant events in his personal life, and the creation and publication of his works of military theory, history, and his memoirs. Thiébault's military career was a long...
Show morePaul Thiébault (1769-1846) rose to the rank of général de division in the Napoleonic armies of France. He was also the author of military histories, studies of the operations of staff organizations, and a controversial set of memoirs published nearly fifty years after his death. This work describes Thiébault's military career, relevant events in his personal life, and the creation and publication of his works of military theory, history, and his memoirs. Thiébault's military career was a long and varied one. The son of a distinguished French literary figure, Thiébault enlisted in the Paris National Guard immediately after the fall of the Bastille in 1789. He then served continuously as a combat leader, staff officer, and military governor until 1815. After the Restoration, he continued to serve, finishing his active military career as lieutenant-général and chief of the Comité de État-major. Thiébault's greatest contribution to the military art grows out of the staff manual he published in 1813, Manuel général du service des etats-major géneraux et divisionnaires dans les armies, and his work with Marshal Gouvion Saint-Cyr in the creation of the Staff Corps of the French Army. This manual, together with his Mémoires, and his histories of the Siege of Genoa in 1800 and the French invasion and occupation of Portugal in 1807, constitutes a valuable legacy to France and to the world.
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Date Issued: 2006
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-1736
Format: Thesis

Title: The Paradox of Power in Conflict Between the Strong and the Weak: When and Why Do Weaker States Challenge the Hegemon's International Status Quo?.
Creator: Kim, Hong-Cheol, Souva, Mark, Creswell, Michael, Hensel, Paul, Moore, Will H., Smith, Dale, Department of Political Science, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: While formal and empirical studies of international relations have investigated the conditions under which weak states win conflicts against strong countries, there has been little systematic examination of how weaker states' incentives to challenge are related to the expected response of the hegemon. In contrast to conventional wisdom that suggests militarized punishment can deter potential challengers, I argue that weak but strongly motivated challengers might interpret the hegemon's...
Show moreWhile formal and empirical studies of international relations have investigated the conditions under which weak states win conflicts against strong countries, there has been little systematic examination of how weaker states' incentives to challenge are related to the expected response of the hegemon. In contrast to conventional wisdom that suggests militarized punishment can deter potential challengers, I argue that weak but strongly motivated challengers might interpret the hegemon's military intervention against adversaries as a window of opportunity to launch their own challenges to achieve their own political objectives. Empirical results reveal that weaker states face incentives to challenge an existing international status quo when the hegemon is preoccupied with prior military commitments. Given this context, weaker states that have a dissimilar alliance portfolio with the hegemon or weaker states that have experienced militarized interstate disputes with the hegemon in the past are more likely to initiate MIDs with other countries. My theory also suggests that weaker states challenge the hegemon using non-military means to exploit the hegemon's preoccupation with a war. The reason is because weaker states tend to think that non-military challenges draw lower attention from the hegemon and may provoke less severe punishment from it even if it militarily responds to their challenges. Therefore, they sometimes adopt this strategy to respond to their window of opportunity. First, empirical results focusing on weaker states' nuclear challenges against the hegemon indicate that weaker states that are not in a defense pact with the hegemon are more likely to undertake opportunistic behavior by exploiting the U.S. preoccupation and challenge its status quo by testing nuclear weapons. Moreover, weaker states that have repeatedly experienced militarized interstate disputes with the U.S. are also more likely to develop nuclear programs under the presence of the U.S.'s preoccupation with a war or rivalry. Distinct from power variables, results show that weaker states that trade more with the U.S. are less likely to develop nuclear programs than states that trade less with the hegemon, ceteris paribus. Second, analysis based on weaker states' human rights reveals that weaker states allied with the U.S. are more likely to respect physical rights integrity than other states even if the U.S. is preoccupied with a war. On the contrary, weaker states not having defense pacts with the U.S. more frequently violate their physical integrity rights when the U.S. is involved in a war. In particular, leaders of authoritarian regimes are more likely to exploit the hegemon's preoccupation to extend their political survival by repressing protests from the public. Accordingly, human rights violations are more prevalent in dissatisfied weaker states when the hegemon is distracted by a war or other prior commitments. Third, the analysis based on weaker states' likelihood of military coups reveals leaders in weaker states that are friendly toward the hegemon but have weak alliance with it are more likely to experience military coups or attempted coups when the hegemon is preoccupied with a war. The first reason is that the hegemon's preoccupation opens up a window of opportunity for military coup leaders to strategically exploit the hegemon's ambivalent situation. Second, they know that the likelihood of achieving successful military coups in this context is higher than other times. Therefore, military coups or attempted coups are more likely to occur in these weaker states in the absence of the hegemon's protection. In conclusion, the analyses focusing on weaker states' military and non-military challenges inform us that not only the hegemon's war involvement provides dissatisfied weaker states with a window of opportunity that leads to asymmetric conflicts, but also influences weaker states' domestic politics and political stability. To be exact, the attenuation of the hegemon's power derived from its war involvement tends to result in conflictual relationships between states. Therefore, based on my empirical findings here, I argue that maintaining the hegemon's power ascendancy by augmenting extant alliance is the key to preventing deterrence failure and constructing peaceful international societies.
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Date Issued: 2010
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-3070
Format: Thesis

Title: Victorian War Correspondents G.A. Henty and H.M. Stanley: The 'Abyssinian' Campaign 1867-1868.
Creator: Hoover, Nora K., Garretson, Peter P., O’Sullivan, Patrick, Creswell, Michael, Grant, Jonathon, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Contemporary historians of the British military expedition to Abyssinia (hereafter called Ethiopia) generally ascribed the source of the Ethiopian conflict to the lack of a reply from Queen Victoria to a letter from Tewodros II, in which he requested military aid and the exchange of ambassadors. The victorious campaign enhanced the power and prestige of Britain in both Europe and the Middle East. In the extant literature, however, the role of the "specials," George A. Henty and Henry M....
Show moreContemporary historians of the British military expedition to Abyssinia (hereafter called Ethiopia) generally ascribed the source of the Ethiopian conflict to the lack of a reply from Queen Victoria to a letter from Tewodros II, in which he requested military aid and the exchange of ambassadors. The victorious campaign enhanced the power and prestige of Britain in both Europe and the Middle East. In the extant literature, however, the role of the "specials," George A. Henty and Henry M. Stanley, assigned to report on the conduct of the war, has yet to be examined. This study was undertaken in an effort to better understand the history of war reporting by civilians. Why were war correspondents deemed necessary, and how could civilians understand and effectively convey the facts of the conflict? To what extent did the military commander accept or allow such intrusion, and how strictly enforce censorship? How influential were the correspondents' descriptions of a virtually unknown people on the reading public? How willing were the correspondents to treat both sides fairly, and how would that accord with the editorial tone of the newspaper. Finally, while the presence of the correspondents may not have directly affected the outcome of the conflict, was it possible that correspondents, such as Henty and Stanley, exerted more influence on the newspaper readership than others because of their strong imperial views? Inevitably, the correspondents' reports on Ethiopia informed the views of their readership, and shaped their ideas on non-European peoples and imperial expansion. Significantly, as the Empire grew, Henty's and Stanley's imperialistic views gained in popularity, and Henty's fictional boy heroes helped a generation envision the qualities necessary for the colonial administrator. Stanley's African explorations in search of Dr. Livingstone captured the imagination of the world, and enhanced the idea of imperial expansion. Both correspondents made significant contributions to the history of war literature by writing books composed of their dispatches.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-3786
Format: Thesis

Title: Playing It Safe: Audience Costs, Military Capabilities, and Alliance Reliability during War.
Creator: Lee, John Nathaniel, Souva, Mark, Creswell, Michael, Jerit, Jennifer, Siegel, David, Moore, William H., Department of Political Science, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: What kinds of states make the best allies? This dissertation studies the determinants of defensive alliance reliability during war. I argue that strong democratic states constitute reliable allies. For these states, the miltiary costs of honoring an alliance agreement are sufficiently low, while potential electoral penalities are potentially large. For these reasons, strong democracies defend their allies during war more frequently. Support for this theory is found from a number of sources....
Show moreWhat kinds of states make the best allies? This dissertation studies the determinants of defensive alliance reliability during war. I argue that strong democratic states constitute reliable allies. For these states, the miltiary costs of honoring an alliance agreement are sufficiently low, while potential electoral penalities are potentially large. For these reasons, strong democracies defend their allies during war more frequently. Support for this theory is found from a number of sources. First, I present the first individual-level experimental data supporting audience costs in the realm of military alliances. Second, I present observational data showing that strong democratic countries consistently defend their alliance partners during war.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-5387
Format: Thesis

Title: Veterans at War: The American Legion and Civilian Mobilization in World War II.
Creator: Griffin, Christopher W. (Christopher Wayne), Grant, Jonathan, Souva, Mark, Jones, James P., Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: This dissertation analyzes the role of the American Legion in the mobilization of World War II, focusing on its civilian defense and salvage programs. These programs demonstrate the contest between voluntary associations and the federal government to shape and control the development of federal programs as state responsibility expanded into new areas of American life. Though ultimately unsuccessful in its efforts to control the programs the American Legion exerted tremendous influence on them...
Show moreThis dissertation analyzes the role of the American Legion in the mobilization of World War II, focusing on its civilian defense and salvage programs. These programs demonstrate the contest between voluntary associations and the federal government to shape and control the development of federal programs as state responsibility expanded into new areas of American life. Though ultimately unsuccessful in its efforts to control the programs the American Legion exerted tremendous influence on them. Its size and presence in nearly every community ensured the American Legion positions and influence at every level of the federal civilian defense and salvage programs. Expertise gained through early civilian defense exercises and the exploratory Mission to England in 1941 positioned Legionnaires well to become leaders within civilian defense. The Legion's strong local and national structure made it one of the most successful organizers of salvage drives. Veterans experienced the Second World War in unique ways that were directly linked to their military experiences in previous wars. They had wartime memories of what life was like on the front lines and tried to use those experiences to better the lives of the new generation of soldiers and to improve home front support of military personnel. Animosities created during World War I toward war profiteers, "shirkers," and subversive forces, greatly influenced the Legion in World War II. Veteran studies, which have viewed veterans as post-war actors, would benefit from considering the activities of veterans in future wars.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-5357
Format: Thesis

Title: Lasting Resonance: The National Vietnam Veterans Memorial's Influence on Two Northern Florida Veterans Memorials.
Creator: Boyd, Jessamyn Daniel, Koslow, Jen, Creswell, Michael, Jones, James P., Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: When the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund adopted Maya Lin's design proposal in 1981, the veterans' non-profit organization and the young architect had no idea that the National Vietnam Veterans Memorial would ultimately change the perspective on traditional war memorials. From Lin's design, a new tradition would arise placing the focal point of these memorials on the individual's sacrifice and the names of the dead for proper commemoration. Today, when we reflect upon the National Vietnam...
Show moreWhen the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund adopted Maya Lin's design proposal in 1981, the veterans' non-profit organization and the young architect had no idea that the National Vietnam Veterans Memorial would ultimately change the perspective on traditional war memorials. From Lin's design, a new tradition would arise placing the focal point of these memorials on the individual's sacrifice and the names of the dead for proper commemoration. Today, when we reflect upon the National Vietnam Veterans Memorial, many of us embrace its unique and lasting response to personal tragedy during the Vietnam War. As states and local communities began to reflect upon war and propose monuments and memorials following the national memorial's dedication in 1982, their decisions were ultimately affected by this new approach to traditional remembrance. This work focuses on two cities in northern Florida, Tallahassee and Jacksonville. These two communities responded to Lin's new approach while maintaining their own unique points of view. The memorial to be placed in Tallahassee would represent the state's commemoration of its Vietnam War veterans, while the Jacksonville memorial would honor all the city's veterans of 20th century military conflicts. This work examines the political and cultural effects of the national memorial on the two cities. The impact of Lin's new focal point had parlayed itself from national, to state, to local levels. Thus, the Florida Vietnam Veterans Memorial and the Jacksonville Veterans Memorial Wall were able to advance the idea of the traditional war memorial through the underlying influence of the National Vietnam Veterans Memorial.
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Date Issued: 2007
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-3448
Format: Thesis

Title: Danes, Orientalism and the Modern Middle East Perspectives from the Nordic Periphery.
Creator: Kauffeldt, Jonas, Garretson, Peter P., Flanagan, Scott C., Singh, Bawa S., Stoltzfus, Nathan, Creswell, Michael, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: In 1978, Edward W. Said (1935-2003), Professor of Comparative Literature at Columbia University, published his now famous book, Orientalism. Intended as an indictment of the di-chotomization of East and West – the willful categorization of the Orient as distinct and ne-cessarily stunted in comparison to the Occident – Said argued that the perception, rooted in the murky centuries of medieval Europe, crystallized into a potent and pervasive discourse that once manufactured, combined...
Show moreIn 1978, Edward W. Said (1935-2003), Professor of Comparative Literature at Columbia University, published his now famous book, Orientalism. Intended as an indictment of the di-chotomization of East and West – the willful categorization of the Orient as distinct and ne-cessarily stunted in comparison to the Occident – Said argued that the perception, rooted in the murky centuries of medieval Europe, crystallized into a potent and pervasive discourse that once manufactured, combined establishment knowledge with political and economic power in the 19th century. Imperialism and direct occupation of the Middle East reinforced the belief in its re-gional subservience and weakness and forged a virtual ideology of Western superiority and entitlement. Yet how did societies and individuals at the margins of European and Western power fit into the framework put forth by Said? Was he correct to assert that the Orientalist discourse was all encompassing and colored every observer and scholar who studied the region? Or was it pos-sible for individuals, both from within the states that dominated the Middle East and even more readily those native to the lesser powers that did not, to assert an independent basis for judgment and interpretation? This dissertation explores a range of experiences that Danes, citizens of a small and relatively weak European state, garnered in their encounters with the Middle East. Their views and under-standings of events, as well as their perspectives on "the Other," served to influence the shaping of knowledge in Denmark about the East. Further, as their country was unentangled in the web of strategic and imperial intrigue that dominated the affairs of the larger powers, Danes were able to position themselves before the local populations as individuals untainted by affiliations that might present a danger of undue influence. Ever conscious of this advantage, they worked dili-gently to cultivate that perception and harness it as an advantage wherever possible. In short, a revelation and consideration of Danish perspectives adds to the diversity of sources encompassed by the study of Orientalism.
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Date Issued: 2006
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-3293
Format: Thesis

Title: Command and Control in the Peninsula: The Role of the British Cavalry 1808-1814.
Creator: Gerges, Mark T., Horward, Donald D., Hargreaves, Alec, Oldson, William O., Creswell, Michael, Grant, Jonathan, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The purpose of this dissertation is to evaluate the utilization and effectiveness of the British cavalry during the Peninsular War. The accomplishments and reputation of the mounted arm has been in dispute since the end of the Napoleonic era, and no systematic study has been undertaken to either refute or support the various claims. Numerous books and articles have been written on the British cavalry under Sir John Moore and the Duke of Wellington. They tend towards two schools. In the first,...
Show moreThe purpose of this dissertation is to evaluate the utilization and effectiveness of the British cavalry during the Peninsular War. The accomplishments and reputation of the mounted arm has been in dispute since the end of the Napoleonic era, and no systematic study has been undertaken to either refute or support the various claims. Numerous books and articles have been written on the British cavalry under Sir John Moore and the Duke of Wellington. They tend towards two schools. In the first, the cavalry could do no wrong-- gallantly charging against superior number, usually with the sun shining, reflecting off their sabers, and being successful everywhere is the core of this premise. The second tends towards examining the cavalry only during the major battles of the war, particularly the cavalry charges where the cavalry either had a spectacular success or failure. In this genre, the cavalry can often do nothing well, and the failure of the charge means the eternal condemnation of the branch. This dissertation attempts to fill in the gaps between these two extremes, examining the pre-war training, doctrine, officer education and selection as it pertains to the cavalry. With that base, systematically scrutinizing the organization and evaluating the effectiveness of the cavalry as an auxiliary arm will help to place their performance into the larger context of the operations of the British Army in the Peninsula. The charge, the quintessential aspect of cavalry, was but a small portion of the cavalryman's life. The cavalry, compared to the 18th century infantry, was more often on duty, facing a far-off enemy in lonely and monotonous outpost duty. This portion of the cavalryman's life, the daily vicissitudes of protecting the army and providing early warning of their opponent's action, has been too often missed in studies of the Peninsular War cavalry and yet forms the most important portion of their duties. The effectiveness of how the cavalry did this duty, as well as protecting the Anglo-Portuguese Army during advances and retreats, is the true essence of the role that cavalry provided to the army. The leadership of the cavalry also is normally painted in a broad brush of extremes—bravery and heroism; incompetence and stupidity. Officer education, duties expected of an officer, both field grade and general, are often ignored. The British Army of the Napoleonic Wars has been called the last of the Ancien Regime armies; patronage and purchase seemed more important than performance and study. However, the professionalism of the officer core that occurred during this period has rarely been applied to their operations in the field. When Great Britain deployed its small army to the Iberian Peninsula in 1808, it faced the most modern and effective army in Europe. That this small force was able to survive, grow, learn and finally contribute to the defeat of Napoleonic France is a testament to the officers and men who did take their profession seriously. The effectiveness of the British cavalry, and contribution it made should be placed into the context of the success of the Peninsular Army.
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Date Issued: 2005
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-4345
Format: Thesis

Title: Law and Order, Accountability and Control: Napoléon's Project for the Military Code, 1805.
Creator: Vovsi, Eman M., Blaufarb, Rafe, Creswell, Michael, McMahon, Darrin, Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: Covering the period from the Ancien Régime through the turmoil of the Revolution, Consulate and early Napoleonic Empire 1804-1805, this work proposes to throw new light on the character, strength and weaknesses of the French armies leading up to Napoléon's non-promulgated Military Code. With chapters on army organization, the establishment of new regulations, decrees, legislative work, and the ministries of War and Military Administration, this dissertation's main intention is to examine and...
Show moreCovering the period from the Ancien Régime through the turmoil of the Revolution, Consulate and early Napoleonic Empire 1804-1805, this work proposes to throw new light on the character, strength and weaknesses of the French armies leading up to Napoléon's non-promulgated Military Code. With chapters on army organization, the establishment of new regulations, decrees, legislative work, and the ministries of War and Military Administration, this dissertation's main intention is to examine and analyze the historical evolution of the government's relationship with the armed forces in 1792-1799 (Republic) and 1800-1804 (Consulate), which culminated in the establishment of the Commission on the Military Code in the spring 1805. Sponsored by the Emperor Napoléon, draftsmen of this Commission, under the experienced military administrator, Pierre Daru, worked through spring – early summer 1805 on examining the laws inherited by the Napoleonic military administration. The result of these labors was produced and reflected in several books, which were supposed to regulate all aspects of the armed forces – recruitment and advancement, promotion, accounting and subsistence, military uniform, aspects of military justice and the like. Although, in theory, the start of the war of the Third Coalition prevented Daru and his collaborators from fully completing this project, it is questionable as to how far Napoléon really wished to proceed in implementing the Military Code. He suspected that a Code as a system might work at cross-purposes with his drive to create a hereditary monarchy. On the other hand, the work of the Commission on the Military Code provoked many useful administrative reforms, which helped create a professionally organized military force –Napoléon's Grande Armée.
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Date Issued: 2010
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-4629
Format: Thesis

Title: Perceiving the Enemy: Indians, Africans, and American Policy during the Second Seminole War, 1835-1842.
Creator: Kite, Jared, Frank, Andrew K., Creswell, Michael, Doel, Ronald E., Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: The Second Seminole War (1835-1842) has confounded recent scholars who have struggled to connect this history with the emerging recognition that the Seminole Indians had a complex relationship with African communities within Florida. This thesis addresses this issue by demonstrating how United States political and military leaders' strategies toward Indians and African maroons changed in accordance with their understanding of the African-Indian relationship. The thesis first argues that in...
Show moreThe Second Seminole War (1835-1842) has confounded recent scholars who have struggled to connect this history with the emerging recognition that the Seminole Indians had a complex relationship with African communities within Florida. This thesis addresses this issue by demonstrating how United States political and military leaders' strategies toward Indians and African maroons changed in accordance with their understanding of the African-Indian relationship. The thesis first argues that in the decades leading up to the war, the United States Government believed that it could convince the Florida Indians to remove peacefully. It also shows how the African populace in Florida (also referred to as Black Seminoles or "Indian Negroes") complicated and shaped the Government's desire and ability to remove the Seminoles west of the Mississippi River. Second, the thesis shows how American military and political leaders' attitudes evolved. Government leaders perceived the Seminoles and their African counterparts as one thing before the war, and as the war drew nearer, perceptions changed. Perceptions shaped government strategy and military tactics toward the two groups. Africans' importance to the Seminoles, and their dominant influence over the native Indians caused American leaders' perceptions to change. New attitudes resulted in a new strategy toward the Indians and Africans, one where the government put less emphasis on trying to convince Indians to remove and more on coercion. Indians, American officials proclaimed, needed to go west of the Mississippi River and Africans needed to be returned to their plantations. Third, this thesis explores the connections between American policy and the changing understanding of the Indian-African relationship during the war. Tensions that the Seminole-African relationship caused, and both groups' adamant desire to resist efforts to move them west or re-enslave them, ultimately caused the initiation of hostilities in Florida in December 1835. Seminoles and Africans maintained a relationship before and during the war that United States leaders could only break apart by continual war and negotiations that would favor each group individually. Although Africans and Seminoles worked together on and off the battlefield, they did not do so out of purely mutual reasons. This thesis shows how Indian and African participants based their actions on their own community's needs and desires, and it argues that the wartime cooperation fulfilled their own separate needs. American officials recognized these distinctions prior to the war, but they became more apparent when the war began as they shaped how they fought and negotiated during the war. This recognition led American leaders in 1837 to negotiate separately with influential African leaders, who, on a large scale, severed their ties with the Seminoles.
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Date Issued: 2010
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-4636
Format: Thesis

Title: History of Eglin Field and Okaloosa County during World War Two.
Creator: Mcdaniel, William M., Creswell, Michael, Gussak, David, Jones, Maxine D., Wynot, Edward D., Department of History, Florida State University
Abstract/Description: ABSTRACT In the mid-1930s the United States and the world were gripped in a great depression which caused industries to fail, families to struggle, and individuals to lose hope. The administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt responded by applying various measures in an effort to sustain the citizenry while mending the economic malady. Historical reflection on an event like the Great Depression, which eventually ended in recovery, has the potential to engender a comforting certainty...
Show moreABSTRACT In the mid-1930s the United States and the world were gripped in a great depression which caused industries to fail, families to struggle, and individuals to lose hope. The administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt responded by applying various measures in an effort to sustain the citizenry while mending the economic malady. Historical reflection on an event like the Great Depression, which eventually ended in recovery, has the potential to engender a comforting certainty regarding paths taken and decisions made, however, at the time correctness of the administrations policies was extremely uncertain. There was no assurance that the United States was on the right course for emerging soundly from the economic collapse. While policy makers sought to return the nation to a sound economic footing, American military leaders faced a different set of challenges. The global depression had helped to create an environment which nourished aggressive foreign policies in nations which were competitors and potential enemies of the United States. It was the job of the defense establishment to prepare for any aggression and to emerge victorious from any armed conflict which might arise. Japan, a nation destined to become a key member of the Axis powers, continued its overt aggression on the Asian mainland and in the Pacific region. As the Japanese leadership continued expansion behind the slogan "Asia for Asians" and eventually under the mantel of the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere, decades-old concern for the security of Hawaii and American interests in Guam and the Philippines became increasingly intense. The initiation of warfare is almost always shocking, especially for the object of the attack, and it was apparent that the United States might have to contend with just such a reality in the Pacific. As Japan continued her aggressive actions in the Eastern Hemisphere, in Europe the United States faced the politically ironic cooperation (and eventual alliance) between a Communist Soviet Union and Fascist Germany as well as an increasingly belligerent Fascist Italy. Germany had significant economic control over a number of European client states, an eastern border eventually to be secured by bilateral agreement with the Soviet Union, a burgeoning yet competent military capability and an aggressive leadership bold enough to employ that capability. An increasingly oppressive, and ultimately murderous racial policy toward the Jewish people of Germany and Europe along with a foreign policy which led to military aggression in Europe, at its margins and along its lines of communication, created a setting parallel to that in the Pacific for involving the United States in open war. Faced with the possibility of warfare in either Europe or the Pacific or perhaps in both theaters simultaneously, the United States civilian leadership and the civilian and military leaders of the War Department, the Army and Navy were forced to prepare to achieve military success in any eventuality. One significant aspect of this preparation was the establishment and subsequent rapid development of military bases which lent themselves to technical training, operational preparation and initiation, logistics support and to the research and testing which would help to defeat a potential enemy. This dissertation examines how one such base, Eglin Field, an air base built along the panhandle of Florida during the 1930s, came into being, how it developed, and how it contributed to the defeat of the Axis nations during World War Two. Because the manner of the founding and the evolution of the base were directly related to the surrounding civilian community, Eglin Field and Okaloosa County, Florida, where the base is located, have a shared history. This dissertation explores that common thread in the period shortly before, during and at the conclusion of World War Two. It shows how Eglin and the surrounding community changed during the war. The county advanced in terms of population, prosperity and economic stability while Eglin Field evolved from a minor grass strip into a major military installation making significant contributions toward the nation's defense. Moving beyond the founding and development of Eglin Field and the effect on the surrounding community, this study covers the technical and operational preparations for war which took place at Eglin. In some cases, the preparations are important but mundane, while in others they are dynamic and cut right to the heart of successfully prosecuting the war against the Axis nations. One area to be discussed is the gunnery and bombing training which Eglin Field directly supported. Another is the testing of various armaments, some designed for use against very specific enemy targets. Ultimately, this study tells the story of Eglin Field's development into a key weapons testing facility that contributed significantly to the nation's war effort. In addition to technical training and weapons testing supported by Eglin Field, this study examines the preparation for certain operational missions which occurred at the base. In telling the story of these missions and in telling the overall history of Eglin Field, this author seeks to include the contributions of select individuals and units and the challenges which they faced and overcame.
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Date Issued: 2012
Identifier: FSU_migr_etd-6447
Format: Thesis

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